scholarly journals Grassroots Marketing in a Global Era: More Lessons from BiDil

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Britt M. Rusert ◽  
Charmaine D. M. Royal

Since the first phase of the formal effort to sequence the human genome, geneticists, social scientists and other scholars of race and ethnicity have warned that new genetic technologies and knowledge could have negative social effects, from biologizing racial and ethnic categories to the emergence of dangerous forms of genetic discrimination. Early on in the Human Genome Project (HGP), population geneticists like Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza enthusiastically advocated for the collection of DNA samples from global indigenous populations in order to track the history of human ancestry, migration, and languages, while social scientists like Troy Duster insisted that the new genetics was in danger of ushering in insidious practices of eugenics. The Human Genome Diversity Project's 1991 proposal to archive human genetic variation around the world quickly came under intense scrutiny by indigenous peoples and advocacy groups who worried that such measures could exploit indigenous groups as research populations and even resurrect racist taxonomies from the nineteenth century.

Humanities ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Miasol Eguíbar-Holgado

This article offers a comparative study between two novels by Nova Scotian writers: George and Rue (2006), by George Elliott Clarke, and No Great Mischief (2000), by Alistair MacLeod. The main purpose of this analysis is to transform some of the pervasive assumptions that dominate interpretations of diasporic ontologies. Most conceptual contexts of diaspora, constructed around the idea of a homeland that is located elsewhere, can only partially be applied to historically long-established communities. Clarke’s and MacLeod’s works emphasize “native” identity, the historical presence of Africans and Scots in Nova Scotia and their ensuing attachment to the (home)land. The novels illustrate how the hostland may be transformed into a homeland after centuries of settlement. The favoring of routes over roots of many current conceptualizations of the diaspora thus contravenes the foundations on which these groups construct a “native/diasporic” identity. However, in settler colonies such as Canada, identifying these groups as unequivocally native would imply the displacement of the legitimate Indigenous populations of these territories. A direct transformation from diaspora to indigenous subjectivity would entail the obliteration of a (however distant) history of migration, on the one hand, and the disavowal of Indigenous groups, on the other. For these reasons, new vocabulary needs to be developed that accurately comes to terms with this experience, which I propose to refer to as “settled diaspora.” In settled diasporas, the notions of attachment to a local identity are reconciled with having distant points of origin. At the same time, there is conceptual room to accommodate claims of belonging that differ from those by Indigenous populations. Thus, the concept of the settled diaspora redresses critical restrictions in diaspora theory that prevent discourses of migration from being applied to spaces of settlement.


Author(s):  
Rogers Brubaker

This chapter analyzes the complex and ambivalent implications of the post-Human Genome Project “return of biology” for the theory and practice of race and ethnicity. Genetically informed accounts of difference risk reinforcing essentialist understandings of identity; yet they can also serve to undermine notions of racial or ethnic purity, highlighting instead the inextricable mixedness of all human populations and the genetic uniqueness of every individual. The chapter traces developments in biomedical research, forensics, genetic genealogy, and identity politics, and it concludes by outlining a constructivist response to the new objectivist and naturalist accounts of race and ethnicity.


Author(s):  
I.D. Rutherfurd

The Southern Hemisphere island continent of Australia (7 million km2) is old, flat, stable, and dry, with a high proportion of endemic biota. The environment of Australia is fundamentally shaped by its age, its aridity and interannual climate variability, and the role of fire. These help to explain the continent’s characteristic ecology, animals, and evergreen vegetation. Fire has also been the main tool used by indigenous populations to substantially alter the landscape in their 50,000 years of occupation. In just 200 years, a relatively small population of European colonizers (by world standards) has even more effectively transformed the environment of Australia through mining, land use change, invasive plants and animals, exploitation of water resources, and water quality degradation. Very high endemism is matched by some of the world’s highest rates of extinctions of plants and animals. Although human populations are clustered in capital cities, and on the coast, particular pressure has come on three globally notable environments: the Great Barrier Reef, Northern Australia, and the Great Artesian Basin. Parallel with destruction has been preservation, and Australia has a long history of environmental protection. Nearly 12 percent of the continent is in protected areas, including Australia’s sixteen UNESCO World Heritage Areas. There are also some globally notable developments in environmental management, including the burgeoning role of indigenous groups in managing over 30 percent of the continent, and radical water management in response to overexploitation of water resources. In the early 21st century, climate change influences every aspect of Australia’s environment. Australia also has seven external territories (including 42 percent of Antarctica) that are also of great environmental importance but are not covered in this review.


2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 301-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miodrag Gužvić

Summary During the last decade, the cost of DNA sequencing technologies has decreased several orders of magnitude, with the proportional increase of speed and throughput. Human Genome Project took almost 15 years to complete the sequence of the human genome. With the second and third generation technologies, this can be done in the matter of days or hours. This progress and availability of sequencing instruments to virtually every researcher leads to replacing of many techniques with DNA sequencing and opens new venues of research. DNA sequencing is used to investigate basic biological phenomena, and is probably going to be increasingly used in the context of health care (preimplantation diagnostics, oncology, infectious diseases). Current trends are aiming towards the price of 1000$ for sequencing of one human genome. Without any doubt, we can expect improvement of existing and the development of fourth generation technologies in the coming years.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (5) ◽  
pp. 578-595
Author(s):  
Soraya de Chadarevian

This essay reflects on the tension between standardization and the search for variation in the human genome. The stabilization of the human chromosome count in the 1920s was based on the consensus that “Whites,” “Negroes,” and “Japanese,” as well as women and men, had the same number of chromosomes. Yet the idea that there might be chromosomal differences between various groups of people was never quite abandoned. When in the mid-1950s the human chromosome number was revised from 48 to 46, the new count was tested in populations around the world. The description of the “normal human karyotype” that was negotiated in the 1960s was driven by the search for a standard against which the genetic variation revealed by the flurry of testing could be measured. And although the human genome project in the 1990s promised to provide the genetic blueprint that all humans shared, it has in fact led to an increased focus on the genetic variation that distinguishes the history, identity, and health outcomes of various human populations. Following concrete examples, this essay investigates the historically contingent quests that have been driving the search for common standards and variation, and the role Pacific and Indigenous populations have played in these endeavors. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Pacific Biologies: How Humans Become Genetic, edited by Warwick Anderson and M. Susan Lindee.


1999 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 181-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatimah Jackson

Data generated by the Human Genome Project are expected to have a powerful impact on how we view human biodiversity. Given the history of past biomedical and quasi-genetic abuse inflicted upon Americans of African descent, it is significant that African-Americans have been at the forefront of calls for a variation-inclusive Human Genome Project database and for full participation in all aspects of the project. As articulated in the 1994 Manifesto on Genomic Studies among African-Americans, historically and demographically representative genomic sampling is directly linked to the potential for social justice and equal access to the project's anticipated value. Now, as the Human Genome Project turns its attention to the collection and evaluation of human sequence variation, it is important to concurrently develop research strategies that foster inclusion and collaboration and produce benefits that are accessible to all who have paid for the project's success.


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