Perceptual evidence for allophonic variation of the palatal fricative /ç/ in spontaneous Berlin German.

2010 ◽  
Vol 128 (4) ◽  
pp. 2458-2458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Jannedy ◽  
Melanie Weirich ◽  
Jana Brunner ◽  
Micaela Mertins
Keyword(s):  
Allophonic Variation ◽  
Perceptual Evidence

Dialect contact and phonological reallocation: “Canadian Raising” in the English Fens

1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Britain
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Demographic History ◽  
Structuration Theory ◽  
Compelling Evidence ◽  
Dialect Contact ◽  
British English ◽  
Speech Communities ◽  
Allophonic Variation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Local Variable

ABSTRACTThis article reports on research carried out in the Fens in Eastern England, a region noted in the dialectological literature as the site of a number of important phonological transitions, most notably [] and [a – a:], which separate northern and southern varieties of British English. Recordings of 81 speakers from across the Fens were analyzed for the use of (ai), a particularly salient local variable. A “Canadian Raising” type of allophonic variation was found in the central Fenland: speakers in this area used raised onsets of (ai) before voiceless consonants but open onsets before voiced consonants, morpheme boundaries, and //. The article weighs a number of possible explanations for the emergence of this variation in the Fens. Based on compelling evidence from the demographic history of the area, it supports a view that such an allophonic distribution, previously thought not to be found in Britain, emerged as the result of dialect contact. The sociolinguistic process of koinéization that is commonly associated with post-contact speech communities (Trudgill 1986) is held responsible for the focusing of this allophonic variation from the input dialects of an initially mixed variety. The article concludes by suggesting a socially based explanatory model to account for the way that speakers implement processes of focusing and koinéization in areas of dialect contact. [English, dialects, contact, koiné, geographical linguistics, social networks, structuration theory)

scholarly journals The aerodynamic puzzle of nasalized fricatives: Aerodynamic and perceptual evidence from Scottish Gaelic

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasha Warner ◽  
Daniel Brenner ◽  
Jessamyn Schertz ◽  
Andrew Carnie ◽  
Muriel Fisher ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Scottish Gaelic ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
Instrumental Data ◽  
The World ◽  
Perceptual Evidence ◽  
Better Than ◽  
Do So

AbstractScottish Gaelic is sometimes described as having nasalized fricatives (/ṽ/ distinctively, and [f̃, x̃, h̃], etc. through assimilation). However, there are claims that it is not aerodynamically possible to open the velum for nasalization while maintaining frication noise. We present aerodynamic data from 14 native Scottish Gaelic speakers to determine how the posited nasalized fricatives in this language are realized. Most tokens demonstrate loss of nasalization, but nasalization does occur in some contexts without aerodynamic conflict, e.g., nasalization with the consonant realized as an approximant, nasalization of [h̃], nasalization on the preceding vowel, or sequential frication and nasalization. Furthermore, a very few tokens do contain simultaneous nasalization and frication with a trade-off in airflow. We also present perceptual evidence showing that Gaelic listeners can hear this distinction slightly better than chance. Thus, instrumental data from one of the few languages in the world described as having nasalized fricatives confirms that the claimed sounds are not made by producing strong nasalization concurrently with clear frication noise. Furthermore, although speakers most often neutralize the nasalization, when they maintain it, they do so through a variety of phonetic mechanisms, even within a single language.

scholarly journals Structure-from-motion: Perceptual evidence for surface interpolation

1995 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Treue ◽  
Richard A. Andersen ◽  
Hiroshi Ando ◽  
Ellen C. Hildreth
Keyword(s):  
Structure From Motion ◽  
Surface Interpolation ◽  
Perceptual Evidence

scholarly journals Perceptual evidence for saccadic updating of color stimuli

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (14) ◽  
pp. 9-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Wittenberg ◽  
F. Bremmer ◽  
T. Wachtler
Keyword(s):  
Perceptual Evidence

scholarly journals Automatic phonetic classification of vocalic allophones in Tol

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 403
Author(s):  
Marie Bissell
Keyword(s):  
Machine Learning ◽  
Learning Algorithms ◽  
Machine Learning Algorithms ◽  
Indigenous Languages ◽  
Diverse Range ◽  
Detailed Understanding ◽  
Allophonic Variation ◽  
Phonetic Classification

The aim of the present study involving automatic phonetic classification of /e/ and /u/ tokens in Tol is two-fold: first, I test existing claims about allophonic variation within these vowel classes, and second, I investigate allophonic variation within these vowel classes that has yet to be documented. The acoustic phonetic classifications derived in the present study contribute to a more detailed understanding of the allophonic systems operating within the Tol language. Operationalizing machine learning algorithms to investigate under-resourced, indigenous languages has the potential to provide detailed insights into the acoustic phonetic dynamics of a diverse range of vocalic systems.

Children's Imitations of Intonation Contours

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 576-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Snow
Keyword(s):  
Young Children ◽  
Pitch Contour ◽  
Pitch Change ◽  
Perceptual Evidence

Perceptual evidence suggests that young children do not imitate adult-modeled intonation patterns with a rising pitch contour (rising tones) as well as those with a falling pitch contour (falling tones). To investigate the acoustic basis of this uneven imitation pattern, 10 4-year-old children were asked to imitate short sentences with falling and rising tones in 4 sentence contexts called "intonation groups." The results indicated that the children used more falling tones than adults in most intonation groups. When the children matched the adult-modeled contour direction (falling or rising), the children's speed of pitch change was comparable to that of adults in the falling tones of final intonation groups and in the rising tones of nonfinal groups, but was slower than that of adults in the complementary environments. In a manner consistent with previously reported perceptual data, the instrumental findings indicate that rising tones may be more difficult for 4-year-old children to produce than falling tones. The results additionally suggest that children's intonation is sensitive not only to the direction of tonal contours but also to their position in sentence-final versus nonfinal intonation groups.

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