Belt and Road Initiative alias Chinese Dream: How Are the Cards Dealt for This Game?

2021 ◽  
pp. 2150014
Author(s):  
Michaela Staníčková ◽  
Lenka Fojtíková

An old Chinese proverb says, “if you want to be rich, build a path”. The People’s Republic of China (from now on, China) has already verified this proverb’s validity in the old Silk Road. The oldest and most famous trade route in history has managed to help China and the surrounding region reach an imaginary peak in its time. Today, after centuries of unrest, wars, economic decline, and international isolation, China is once again building a path to help it return to the world’s most developed nations, the New Silk Road, respectively the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI has been defined as “the most eye-catching and possibly the one with the longest-term significance” (Ferdinand, 2017) [“Westward Ho — The China Dream and ‘One Belt, One Road’: Chinese Foreign Policy under Xi Jinping,” in Weiqing Song, ed., China’s Relations with Central and Eastern Europe: From “Old Comrades” to New Partners (London: Routledge, 2017), pp. 1–18]. The Silk Road project was introduced in 2013 by the Chinese President Xi Jinping in response to the economic crisis and the subsequent effort to find new markets and trading partners. The BRI restores the idea of the ancient Silk Road. The BRI is thus the result of a changed approach to foreign policy and the idea of opening up China. However, this policy cannot be perceived only as economic cooperation, but a well-thought-out Chinese foreign policy to expand its influence not only in Asia. The Sinocentric view of the world is thus one of the fundamental aspects of Chinese foreign policy formation. What will the country have to deal with in the future and, above all, what can we expect from China? This paper aims to provide insights into the visions proposed by the BRI, i.e. to capture the main milestones in the current development of the BRI, detailed analysis of its nature, and its current situation and implementation.

Author(s):  
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard

AbstractThis piece examines and critiques the massive literature on China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It details how research currently seems stuck on the road to nowhere. In addition, it identifies a number of the potholes that collective research endeavors are hitting such as that they are poorly synchronized. It also stresses that lines of analysis are proliferating rather than optimizing, with studies broadening in thematic coverage, rather than becoming deeper. It points out that BRI participants are regularly related to the role of a bit player in many analyses and research often is disconnected from other literatures. Among other things, this article recommends analysts focus on the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) or Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) in specific regions or countries. It also argues for a research core that focuses on the implementation issue (i.e., the issue of MSRI and SREB project implementation), project effects (i.e., the economic and political costs and benefits of projects), and the translation issue (i.e., the domestic and foreign policy effects of projects) and does work that goes beyond the usual suspects. On a related note, research need to identify, more precisely, participants and projects, undertake causal analysis, and take into account countervailing factors. Furthermore, studies need to make more extensive use of the Chinese foreign policy literature. Moreover, works examining subjects like soft power need to improve variable conceptualization and operationalization and deliver more nuanced analyses. Finally, studies, especially by area specialists, should take the area, not the China, perspective.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 338
Author(s):  
Yan Miao

Based on ancient Silk Road, China President Xi Jinping has proposed the Belt and Road Initiative, which is related to the dietary culture closely. Dietary culture translation is a necessary way to disseminate culture, becoming more and more important. Proper translations will show foreigners profound cultural connotation about China dietary. The author will adopt the methods of literature review and comparative, and point out translation difficulties and strategies for the cultural communication and transmission in the paper. The paper is divided into four parts. Firstly, the author will introduce the Belt and Road Initiative and China dietary culture. Secondly, the author will point out its status and difficulties under the background of the Belt and Road Initiative. Thirdly, the author will put forward some translation strategies about Chinese dietetic culture. Finally, the author will summarize the passage and the limitations of paper.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-304
Author(s):  
Gökçe Özsu ◽  
Ferruh Mutlu Binark

Turkey and China are the countries that established their relations in the shadow of their ideological affiliation. Turkey constructed its multi-partied democratic regime as an implementation of Western-based democracy. However, this has not granted EU full-membership to the country, and Turkey has initiated alternative allies since mid 2000s. This shift of axis has turned into more enthusiasm after the failed coup d’état of 15 July 2016. The purpose of this study is to reveal how Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the Chinese alternative globalization project, “The Belt and Road Initiative” which was introduced in 2013 by General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping. In order to frame the background information, we will first introduce the aims of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then summarize Turkey’s relation to China from two aspects: political and economic concerns. Following the overview of Turko-Sino relationship, we will focus on the Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy to grasp its pragmatic concern in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative. Based on the contextualization of Turko-Sino relations, we will conduct thematic content analysis of the news on the Belt and Road Initiative from May to July 2017 in mainstream Turkish newspapers. Our analysis brings into question how Turkish press relocates the Belt and Road Initiative with respect to Turkey’s political and economic concerns about China’s alternative globalism, Turkish foreign policy seeking for new allies as alternatives for the Western counterparts, and thus we will examine President Erdoğan’s influence on Turkish foreign policy. Based on our findings, we will discuss the reasons for insufficient coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative in Turkish mainstream newspapers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (11) ◽  
pp. 901-905
Author(s):  
Britta Kuhn

ZusammenfassungSchon vor der Corona-Pandemie belasteten finanzielle und geopolitische Probleme die „Neue Seidenstraße“: Chinas Gesamtinvestitionen gehen seit Jahren zurück, wichtige Bauprojekte sind unrentabel, die Partner in Ost- und Südosteuropa wenden sich ab, und umweltschädliche Vorhaben stoßen zunehmend auf Widerstand. Seit 2020 bieten wohlhabende Demokratien verstärkt Alternativen, und auch die Volksrepublik stundet Schulden. Xi Jinping forciert daher neben dem „BRI Green Partnership“ vor allem die „Digital Silk Road“ und „China Standards 2035“, also globale Technologie- und Normierungsprojekte.


Author(s):  
Корганашвили Л.

The belt and road initiative (BRI) put forward by the President of the People's Republic of China Xi Jinping in autumn 2013 is one of the priorities of it’s modern foreign policy. Within the framework of BRI China has concluded agreements on practical cooperation with many countries, including Georgia. For Georgia, BRI is an opportunity to become a land and sea transport hub between Europe and Asia. The overland route combines the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railroad with the Yavuz Sultan Selim bridge across the Bosporus Strait. The sea route serves as an gate to Europe through the ports in Batumi, Poti and Anaklia. The work shows the importance of BRI for the formation of Georgia as a transport hub and the benefits that both countries derive from cooperation under this initiative.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Prof. Dr. Muhammad Ahmed Qadri , Sundus Qureshi

The New Silk Road (NSR), one of China's most ambitious economic plans, was unveiled by President Xi Jinping in 2013 and is intended to act as the Central Asian component of the Eurasian Belt and Road Initiative (Belt Road) (BRI). By enhancing and expanding China's security arc westward, as well as developing them as a transportation corridor connecting China to Europe, Beijing is able to consolidate its current economic investments while also launching new projects in Central Asia and South Asia, as well as attracting new investment from other countries. The NSR, touted by China as simply a development project, is loaded with wide-ranging security implications. China's infrastructure security and investment concerns in Central Asia are examined in this research, which examines the interplay between these two issues. China's non-state retaliation (NSR) in Central Asia is investigated in three ways: With its securitization push, the Silk Road Initiative not only consolidates the power of the Central Asian regimes; it also grants China an important position managing safeguards; and it allows the ultra-rich to move between the lure of Chinese investments and the appeasement of popular fears about China's growing influence. According to this report, NSR aid and investment from China has received an overall favourable reaction in the area, with some countries concerned about the consequences of the project on their sovereignty and security, as well as the promise of connection and prosperity (a "win-win" situation). A look at China's growing security and economic commitment in Central Asia and the tight Sino-Russian friendship, as well as the areas of collaboration and complementarity between the two countries, is included in the article's concluding paragraphs.


2014 ◽  
Vol 06 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
John WONG ◽  
Liang Fook LYE

Chinese President Xi Jinping has pursued a proactive foreign policy to strengthen ties with its neighbours. In particular, Xi has proposed two major initiatives, i.e. the Silk Road Economic Belt (an overland route) and the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century (a maritime route), that leverage on China's economic strengths. Nevertheless, China will have to contend with the interests of other major powers as well as its own lack of soft power in its implementation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 01 (03) ◽  
pp. 1850015
Author(s):  
Zheng Yongnian ◽  
Zhang Chi

On March 28, 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping detailed his vision for the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (hereinafter referred to as the Belt and Road) when attending the Boao Forum for Asia. After this, China’s National Development and Reform Commission, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Ministry of Commerce jointly issued the “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road”, a sign that the Belt and Road Initiative promoted by China as a foreign cooperation platform entered its first year of implementation. This vision covers over half of the global population and involves more than 60 countries along the routes, the economic aggregates of which account for about one-third of the world. During 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang paid frequent visits to all continents in an effort to promote the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative. At present, the Belt and Road Initiative has received positive responses from the countries along the routes, and a number of cooperation projects have been underway smoothly. With the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, China is forming a grand diplomatic landscape with “double legs” (a new type of major power relations and the Belt and Road Initiative) and a “single circle” (peripheral diplomacy). The Belt and Road Initiative highlights the spirit of the age, characterized by “peace, mutual respect, openness, and inclusiveness”, and has major international significance in helping China break through the security dilemma among nations, shoulder the responsibilities of a great power, and build China’s soft power in the international arena.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document