U.S. Perceptions of the Communist Threat in Iran during the Mossadegh Era

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 185-221
Author(s):  
Mark J. Gasiorowski

Most studies of the coup d’état in Iran in August 1953—a coup backed by U.S. and British intelligence agencies—attribute it at least partly to U.S. concerns about the threat of a Communist takeover in Iran. This article examines the evidence available to U.S. officials about the nature of the Communist threat in Iran prior to the coup, in the form of reports, analyses, and policy papers written on this subject at the time by U.S. officials. The documentation reveals that U.S. policymakers did not have compelling evidence that the threat of a Communist takeover was increasing substantially in the months before the coup. Rather, the Eisenhower administration interpreted the available evidence in a more alarming manner than the Truman administration had. The coup the administration undertook in response was therefore premature, at best.

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Marsh

It has long been argued that the Eisenhower administration pursued a more assertive policy toward Iran than the Truman administration did.This interpretative consensus, though, has recently come under challenge.In the Journal of Cold War Studies in 1999, Francis Gavin argued that U.S.policy toward Iran in 1950–1953 became progressively more assertive in response to a gradual shift in the global U.S. -USSR balance of power.This article shares, and develops further, Gavin's revisionist theme of policy continuity, but it explains the continuity by showing that Truman and Eisenhower had the same principal objectives and made the same basic assumptions when devising policy. The more assertive policy was primarily the result of the failure of U.S. policy by early 1952. The Truman administration subsequently adopted a more forceful policy, which Eisenhower simply continued until all perceived options for saving Iran from Communism were foreclosed other than that of instigating a coup to bring about a more pliable government.


1983 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 388-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Griffith

From its inception in the 1940s the Advertising Council was part of a broad, loosely coordinated campaign by American business leaders to contain the anticorporate liberalism of the 1930s and to refashion the character of the New Deal State. In this campaign the Council generally aligned itself with the more liberal wing of the business community, usually identified with the newly organized Committee for Economic Development (CED), rather than with the older and more conservative National Association of Manufacturers (NAM). Like the CED, the Advertising Council often espoused a “corporatist” ideology which emphasized cooperation between business and government; and like the Business Advisory Council, the National Petroleum Council, and other quasi-public corporatist bodies, it sought to establish close, reciprocal relationships with the executive branch. The Council enthusiastically supported the new foreign and national security policies of the Truman Administration, but strongly opposed its domestic programs. By contrast, the Council supported both the foreign and domestic policies of the Eisenhower Administration, and helped promote the administration's economic programs in a series of major advertising campaigns. Through its millions of “public service” advertisements, the Council sought to promote an image of advertising as a responsible and civic-spirited industry, of the U.S. economy as a uniquely productive system of free enterprise, and of America as a dynamic, classless, and benignly consensual society.


1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hoffmann

A history, both comprehensive and detailed, of the foreign contacts of the German Resistance does not yet exist. The subject is vast, and many sources are not yet accessible, notably those in the custody of intelligence agencies, and also those relating to contacts between the German Communist underground and foreign authorities or individuals. This paper will, firstly, consider some conditions and circumstances of foreign contacts sought and established by the German Resistance; secondly, survey some of those contacts; and, thirdly, attempt to draw some conclusions.


1954 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-131
Author(s):  
Charles E. Higbie ◽  
Dean C. Baker ◽  
Donald E. Brown ◽  
Charles T. Duncan ◽  
Armistead S. Pride ◽  
...  

Suspension of publication of the major New York City dailies for a period of 11 days in early December because of an engravers strike resulted in controversy in several categories of journalism literature. Besides obvious interest in the results of the strike in the areas of labor relations and economics, debate developed over the action of related unions in making the strike mandatory by honoring the picket lines of the engravers union and the decision of the New York Herald Tribune in refraining from publishing although not a direct party to the strike action. Relations between the working press and the Eisenhower administration developed enough friction on at least two points to produce noteworthy articles of comment and criticism. Information “leaks” to favored correspondents were charged at a presidential press conference and defended as justified under some circumstances by the President. Even more partisan bickering developed as a result of Attorney-General Herbert Brownell's revelation about the handling of suspected security risks in the Truman administration. After a stormy presidential press conference at which some reporters failed to obtain all requested information on the affair, a New York Times poll of correspondents showed that a majority felt the administration, but not the President, was succumbing to “McCarthyism.” Direct radio transcriptions of some presidential conferences were sanctioned and an “unofficial transcription” for newsmen was instituted during this quarter.


1980 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Dunkerley
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  

This chapter traces the conflicts faced by the aristocratic constituted bodies at the close of the Seven Years' War. Fighting had gone on for a generation interrupted by a few years of truce; governments had accumulated great debts, which they had now to find means to carry or repay. The search by governments for new sources of income met with resistance from magistracies or assemblies in many countries. It therefore produced constitutional crises. “From the need for money, which put into motion the machinery of reforms, arose a great drama: the clash between autonomous entities and the central power, between local governing classes and foreign rule.” The discussions cover the quasi-revolution in France, 1763–1774; the monarchist coup d'etat of 1772 in Sweden; and the Hapsburg Empire.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew McBee ◽  
Rebecca Brand ◽  
Wallace E. Dixon

In 2004, Christakis and colleagues published an influential paper claiming that early childhood television exposure causes later attention problems (Christakis, Zimmerman, DiGiuseppe, & McCarty, 2004), which continues to be frequently promoted by the popular media. Using the same NLSY-79 dataset (n = 2,108), we conducted two multiverse analyses to examine whether the finding reported by Christakis et al. was robust to different analytic choices. We evaluated 848 models, including logistic regression as per the original paper, plus linear regression and two forms of propensity score analysis. Only 166 models (19.6%) yielded a statistically significant relationship between early TV exposure and later attention problems, with most of these employing problematic analytic choices. We conclude that these data do not provide compelling evidence of a harmful effect of TV on attention. All material necessary to reproduce our analysis is available online via Github (https://github.com/mcbeem/TVAttention) and as a Docker container (https://hub.docker.com/repository/docker/mmcbee/rstudio_tvattention)


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