Focus Association by Movement: Evidence from Tanglewood

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine ◽  
Hadas Kotek
Keyword(s):  
Long Distance ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Quantifier Raising ◽  
Focus Movement ◽  
Syntactic Islands ◽  
Focus Association

We argue for the existence of covert focus movement in English focus association with only. Our evidence comes from Tanglewood configurations of the form in Kratzer 1991 . We show that Tanglewood configurations are sensitive to syntactic islands, contrary to Kratzer’s claims and predictions. We propose that Tanglewood configurations always involve covert movement of the focused constituent—possibly with covert pied-piping—to bind a bound variable in the ellipsis site. This availability of covert pied-piping explains examples such as Kratzer’s where the Tanglewood construction appears to be island-insensitive. We show that covert focus movement is long-distance and not simply Quantifier Raising. Kratzer’s proposal that ellipsis enforces the identity of focus indices and several other previous approaches are shown to overgenerate Tanglewood readings.

scholarly journals Tanglewood Untangled

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine ◽  
Hadas Kotek
Keyword(s):  
Long Distance ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Focus Movement ◽  
Syntactic Islands ◽  
Focus Association

We argue for the existence of covert focus movement in English focus association. Our evidence comes from Tanglewood configurations of the form in Kratzer 1991. We show that Tanglewood configurations are sensitive to syntactic islands, contrary to Kratzer’s claims and predictions. We propose that Tanglewood configurations always involve covert movement of the focused constituent—possibly with covert pied-piping (Drubig 1994; Krifka 1996, 2006; Tancredi 1997, 2004; Wagner 2006; Erlewine & Kotek 2014)—to bind a bound variable in the ellipsis site. This availability of covert pied-piping explains examples such as Kratzer’s which are apparently not island-sensitive. We show that covert focus movement is long-distance and not simply QR. Kratzer’s proposal that ellipsis enforces the identity of focus indices is shown to overgenerate Tanglewood readings.

Reducing Long-Distance Binding to Logophoric Exemption

2019 ◽  
pp. 264-341
Author(s):  
Isabelle Charnavel
Keyword(s):  
Binding Domain ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Empirical Claim ◽  
Distance Bound ◽  
Blocking Effects ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Subject Orientation

This chapter re-examines the hypothesis that some anaphors can be long-distance bound independently of their discursive conditions. All analyses of long-distance anaphora, whether they assume binding domain parameterization or covert movement, rely on the existence of a specific type of anaphors that can be bound out of the Condition A domain and are further characterized by monomorphemicity, subject orientation, sloppy readings, and blocking effects. The goal of this chapter is to question this empirical claim and examine the hypothesis that such purported long-distance anaphors can in fact be reduced to exempt anaphors subject to logophoric conditions. Some tests are proposed and applied to Icelandic sig, Mandarin ziji, French soi, and Norwegian seg/sin using online questionnaires. The results suggest that the hypothesis that long-distance binding should be eliminated from the theory and reduced to logophoric exemption is viable—pending further cross-linguistic studies.

Anomaly detection in the processing of complex syntax by early L2 learners

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Stepanov ◽  
Sara Andreetta ◽  
Penka Stateva ◽  
Adam Zawiszewski ◽  
Itziar Laka
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Early Age ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Advanced Learners ◽  
Complex Syntax ◽  
L2 Learners ◽  
Syntactic Dependencies ◽  
Syntactic Islands ◽  
L1 And L2

This study investigates the processing of long-distance syntactic dependencies by native speakers of Slovenian (L1) who are advanced learners of Italian as a second language (L2), compared with monolingual Italian speakers. Using a self-paced reading task, we compare sensitivity of the early-acquired L2 learners to syntactic anomalies in their L2 in two empirical domains: (1) syntactic islands, for which the learners’ L1 and L2 grammars provide a converging characterization, and (2) verb–clitic constructions, for which the respective L1 and L2 grammatical descriptions diverge. We find that although our L2 learners show native-like processing patterns in the former, converging, grammatical domain, they may nevertheless perform non-native-like with respect to syntactic phenomena in which the L1 and L2 grammars do not align, despite the early age of L2 acquisition. Implications for theories of L2 acquisition and endstate are discussed.

scholarly journals Against some approaches to long-distance agreement without AGREE

2020 ◽  
pp. 215-246
Author(s):  
Carson T. Schütze
Keyword(s):  
Phase Boundary ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Strong Phase ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Long Distance Agreement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Satisfactory Theory

With the introduction of AGREE into Minimalism by Chomsky (2000), the relationship between the two elements in an agreement relationship went from being strictly local (Specifier-Head) to being unbounded (c-command with no intervening strong phase boundary) in order to accommodate long-distance agreement phenomena. Concern over the less restricted nature of the new approach led researchers to propose alternatives that eschewed the unbounded reach of AGREE , in the hope that a more restrictive theory might yet be salvaged. This paper scrutinizes some of the most widely cited and fully developed of these alternative proposals (employing predicate inversion of expletives, restructuring, covert movement), applied to extensively studied spheres of data (English existentials, Icelandic agreement), and concludes that they are deeply, perhaps fatally, flawed. While Chomsky’s version of AGREE is far from providing a complete and satisfactory theory of agreement, it has yet to be shown that it can be eliminated.

Against Tanglewood by Focus Movement: A Reply to Erlewine and Kotek 2018

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-596
Author(s):  
Itai Bassi ◽  
Nicholas Longenbaugh
Keyword(s):  
Central Point ◽  
Movement Theory ◽  
Focus Movement ◽  
Syntactic Islands

We reply to Erlewine and Kotek’s (2018) claim that the phenomenon of covariation under focus ( Tanglewood sentences; Kratzer 1991 ) is subject to syntactic islands and that it should therefore be handled by a focus movement theory (contra Kratzer’s view). We present novel data that are at odds with Erlewine and Kotek’s conclusions and demonstrate the necessity of an island-insensitive mechanism to capture focus covariation. We revisit Erlewine and Kotek’s main arguments against such a system and show that they are systematically confounded. Moreover, removing the confounds cancels the force of the arguments, corroborating the central point of this article.

Antecedent-Contained Deletion

2019 ◽  
pp. 386-400
Author(s):  
Kristen Syrett
Keyword(s):  
Verb Phrase Ellipsis ◽  
Behavioural Responses ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Quantifier Raising ◽  
A Site ◽  
Linguistic Phenomenon

This chapter introduces the linguistic phenomenon of Antecedent-Contained Deletion (ACD): a type of construction in which a site of Verb Phrase Ellipsis (VPE) is contained in the antecedent from which it derives its interpretation. The chapter reviews theoretical approaches to resolving interpretation in ACD structures (drawing primarily on the covert movement operation of Quantifier Raising (QR)), and the accessibility of one or more sentential interpretations when the site of ellipsis is embedded in non-finite and finite clauses. Behavioural responses from offline judgement studies with children and adults, as well as online studies with adults, provide data bearing directly on these theoretical accounts.

Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the Copy Theory of Movement

2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Fox
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Copy Theory Of Movement ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Quantifier Raising ◽  
Copy Theory ◽  
The Way

Antecedent-contained deletion poses a problem for theories of ellipsis, a problem that, according to much literature, is solved by Quantifier Raising. The solution, however, conflicts with the copy theory of movement. This article resolves this new conflict with the aid of a theory of extraposition and covert movement proposed by Fox and Nissenbaum (1999), together with certain assumptions about the structure of relative clauses and the way chains are interpreted. The resolution makes various new predictions and accounts for a range of otherwise puzzling facts.

scholarly journals The periphery of vP in the theory of wh-in situ

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caterina Bonan
Keyword(s):  
Language Family ◽  
Internal Focus ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Wh Questions ◽  
Question Formation ◽  
Focus Movement ◽  
Economic Understanding

This article outlines an implementation of Cable’s (2010) Grammar of Q that takes into account the role played by the periphery of vP, hitherto unexplored in this framework. Empirically, what I offer is a new example, in a new language family, of a known manifestation of wh-in situ: I indeed argue that Trevisan, a Northern Italian dialect, displays compulsory clause-internal focus movement of both wh-elements and contrastive foci. Theoretically, I use the Trevisan data to present a new, tweaked application of previously proposed approaches whereby wh-elements do not contribute to clause-typing and Q-particles are cross-linguistically needed in the computation of answer-seeking wh-questions. My claim is that wh-in situ languages are characterised not only by language-specific choices between projection and adjunction of Q and overt vs covert movement of Q, but also in terms of the loci where the features relevant to wh-questions, [q] and [focus], are checked: while some languages check both in C (‘feature bundling’), others make use of the clause-internal vP-periphery to check [focus] (‘feature scattering’). The theory developed in this article provides an innovative understanding of the mechanisms involved in Northern Italian wh-in situ: what it offers is a novel, economic understanding of the morphosyntax of this question-formation strategy that reduces all core properties to different combinations of the setting of simple, universal micro-parameters related to interrogative wh-movement.

The Fine Structure of Phloem Cells

1985 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 632-635
Author(s):  
James Cronshaw
Keyword(s):  
Structural Studies ◽  
High Concentration ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Phloem Tissue ◽  
Sieve Elements ◽  
Long Distance Transport ◽  
P Protein ◽  
Companion Cells ◽  
Electron Microscopical ◽  
Distance Transport

Long distance transport in plants takes place in phloem tissue which has characteristic cells, the sieve elements. At maturity these cells have sieve areas in their end walls with specialized perforations. They are associated with companion cells, parenchyma cells, and in some species, with transfer cells. The protoplast of the functioning sieve element contains a high concentration of sugar, and consequently a high hydrostatic pressure, which makes it extremely difficult to fix mature sieve elements for electron microscopical observation without the formation of surge artifacts. Despite many structural studies which have attempted to prevent surge artifacts, several features of mature sieve elements, such as the distribution of P-protein and the nature of the contents of the sieve area pores, remain controversial.

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