A Nordic Approach to Promoting Women’s Rights within International Law: Internal v. External Perspectives

2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 368-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia M. Bailliet

This article explores whether there is a Nordic approach to women’s rights within international law, juxtaposing internal and external perspectives in order to identify dilemmas and remaining challenges. Recognition of the Nordic contribution to the drafting of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (cedaw) is contrasted with present day issues which complicate enjoyment of rights. The complexity of formulating a Nordic feminist foreign policy and the appointment of Nordic women as creators of international law is explored.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wawan Suriadi ◽  
Shahrul Mizan Bin Ismail

Indonesia as a legal state has ratified several instruments of international law in order to protect women's rights. But restraint and violations of women's rights are still common. In East Nusa Tenggara, high dowry or Belis often trigger violence against women. This is triggered by the perception that the transfer of women's rights when the dowry or Belis has been paid by the men to the women’s family who ultimately give the ability and arbitrariness of men to commit acts of violence. So, the purpose of this study is to review more comprehensively how the practice of giving Belis or dowry in terms of international law and analyze the extent to which international and national law provides protection for the rights of women who are victims of violence. This research is legal doctrinal research using qualitative method. This research was conducted in literature by studying legislation at the national and international level, books, articles, journals, scientific reports related to the issues studied. From this study, it was found that the practice of giving Belis in the form of dowry in marriage is a cultural practice that is also protected by domestic and international law as part of the way of life or cultural rights. Acts of violence in the form of restraint on women's rights due to the repayment of Belis is a violation of women's human rights. So that these two things must be seen from two different sides. The number of national and international legal instruments does not guarantee that it can overcome the problem of violence against women. The legal culture of society in the form of high legal awareness and the willingness and commitment of the state is one step forward in order to provide protection of women's rights.


Author(s):  
Sylvia Bashevkin

Chapter 2 foregrounds the discussion of policy impact by individual foreign policy leaders. It explores the varied perspectives toward war and equality that are associated with women in Western cultures. The discussion shows how efforts to present half of humanity as a homogeneous unit have fallen short—whether those attempts portray the group as consistently pacifist, feminist, or otherwise. The chapter develops a normative proposition that in liberal democratic systems, executives should ideally carry forward disparate outlooks that roughly approximate the distribution of policy views in the general population. It argues that positions toward political conflict and women’s rights are ideally considered along a spectrum or continuum of opinion.


2019 ◽  
pp. 205-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilary Charlesworth ◽  
Christine Chinkin

This chapter investigates the conceptual limits of the field of women’s rights. It identifies two main currents of activity in the field: the elaboration of human rights standards, particularly through the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women of 1979; and the development of the ‘Women, Peace and Security’ agenda by the UN Security Council since 2000. Both areas are limited in their understandings of the diverse lives of women. The chapter argues that campaigns for the recognition of women’s rights shuttle between the mainstream and the margins of international law and that the structural bases of women’s disadvantage remain obscured in both locations.


Author(s):  
Dianne Otto

This chapter examines women’s rights. Section 2 describes the treatment of women in international law prior to the adoption of the UN Charter, in order to highlight the significance of the subsequent shift to the promotion of women’s equality. It examines the non-discrimination approach favoured by the drafters of the founding human rights instruments, highlighting the importance of the approach as well as some of its limitations. Section 3 examines the innovative approach taken in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the drafters of which aimed to address the problems attending the concept of non-discrimination by promoting a strong version of women’s substantive equality. Section 4 considers the strategy of ‘gender mainstreaming’ adopted in the 1990s, which sought to reinterpret mainstream human rights to be inclusive of women’s experiences. Section 5 concludes by highlighting some continuing obstacles presented by the law itself, which prevent women from successfully claiming and enjoying human rights.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Sara Angevine

Abstract American foreign policy has expanded in recent years to address issues that affect women and girls worldwide, global women's rights, yet there has been minimal investigation into how these representative claims for women worldwide are formed and the substantive U.S. commitment. Is this a reflection of a growing American feminist foreign policy or symbolic rhetoric for domestic audiences? To better understand the representation of global women's rights in American foreign policy, I analyze the political context behind three widely supported American foreign policy bills focusing on women that were introduced during the 111th Congress (2009–10). Each of these bills failed to become statute. Drawing from qualitative comparative case study analysis, I show how antiabortion politics constrain the legislative success of any American foreign policy legislation that focuses on women, regardless of relevance. This suggests that foreign women's bodies are a terrain for U.S. legislators to advance abortion policy objectives with minimal electoral constraint. Although advancing women's rights furthers broader U.S. foreign policy objectives, such as preventing terrorism and growing market economies, domestic abortion politics shape the boundaries of how global women's rights are represented in American foreign policy.


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