The 21 'Turncoat GIs': Nonrepatriations and the Political Culture of the Korean War

2020 ◽  
pp. 279-294
Author(s):  
Francine R. Frankel

Strategic realignments in Asia after the 1962 India-China war are still playing out. China’s attempt to bottle up India in the subcontinent resulted in an “all-weather” China-Pakistan friendship, including transfer of blueprints for a nuclear bomb. The 1973 India-Pakistan war and the creation of Bangladesh changed the political map of the subcontinent. China’s rapid economic growth and military modernization now challenges US primacy in Asia, its long-sought goal since the Korean War. An Indian-US strategic partnership remains under discussion.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristine Midtgaard

Denmark was among five countries contributing humanitarian assistance to United Nations (UN) forces during the Korean War. In August 1950, Denmark offered to place at the disposal of the UN a fully equipped hospital ship. The decision reflected the Danish government's reluctance to send combat troops to Korea but its desire to take part in other ways. This article analyzes the political, organizational, and practical aspects of Danish policy, showing how Denmark's engagement in Korea was civilian rather than military in its orientation. The assistance was organized by the Danish Red Cross, and the staff was mainly civilian. In addition to treating wounded UN soldiers, the civilian Danish hospital staff treated civilian Korean patients. Denmark balanced its aversion to sending military forces with its desire to ensure goodwill in Washington.


2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-87
Author(s):  
Eun Seo Jo

Using oral history sources, this article takes a bottom-up approach to explain why South Koreans volunteered to fight in the Vietnam War, comprising the largest group of foreign troops that participated after U.S. forces. Because these soldiers received pay in U.S. dollars for their military service in Vietnam, there has been considerable scholarly debate about whether they were mercenaries. This article goes beyond this question to examine how the South Korean socio-economic context and political culture pushed these men to fight in another postcolonial civil war so similar to the one they themselves recently had experienced. An obligation to provide financial support for their impoverished families and a cult of militarized valor prompted young men to choose war as a way to fulfill their masculine roles. South Korean President Pak Chŏng-hŭi [Park Chung Hee] also urged young men to see themselves as defenders of the “Free World” and inspired them to fight alongside American soldiers they had respected as children during the Korean War. Ultimately, this article explains how South Koreans found themselves fighting in a new Cold War conflict in Asia even while their own nation remained precariously divided and damaged because of a similar war.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-274
Author(s):  
Liu Zhaokun

Abstract Unrelenting animosity continues to define the relationship between the United States and North Korea, but in the mid-1980s, P’yŏngyang began to seek non-confrontational measures to fulfill one of its major diplomatic objectives—opening a channel of direct negotiation with Washington. The bodies of U.S. soldiers who had perished or gone missing in North Korea in 1950 during the Korean War became bargaining chips for the North Koreans. This article analyzes the political stakes of these remains for the two countries. It traces the meetings between Congressman Gillespie V. Montgomery and North Korean officials in 1989 and 1990, which led to the first return of U.S. soldiers’ remains since October 1954. North Korea’s insistence on delivering the remains to Montgomery, rather than the Korean War Military Armistice Commission, was an attempt to force the United States to acknowledge its legitimacy. Unable to abandon the bodies, U.S. officials offered limited concessions, while endeavoring to maintain the status quo in Korea. The 1990 remains repatriation revealed the possibility of cooperation between the two countries.


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