E. Speech by Chinese Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan at the Ninth ARF Foreign Ministers' Meeting, 31 July 2002

China Report ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-138
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Bäck ◽  
Jan Teorell ◽  
Alexander Von Hagen-Jamar ◽  
Alejandro Quiroz Flores

Abstract Why do some foreign ministers stay longer in office than others? Are they punished when the country loses a war? Several scholars have focused on the tenure of leaders as an important predictor of foreign policy outcomes, such as war onset, creating an interest in leadership survival. We here shift the focus to the survival of other important politicians in cabinet—foreign ministers, hypothesizing that their tenure depends on their performance in office. For example, we expect that foreign ministers stay longer in office when the country experiences an armed conflict resulting in a win or in a compromise agreement. We evaluate and find support for several of our hypotheses using an original historical dataset, which comprises all foreign ministers of the world's thirteen great powers from the early modern period to the present, covering about 1,100 foreign minister-terms of office.


1954 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 599-601

The six signatories of the European Defense Community Treaty — France, the German Federal Republic, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands, and Luxembourg —met in Brussels from August 19 to 22 to consider changes in the treaty which the French Premier, Pierre Mendès-France, felt were essential if it were to be ratified by the French National Assembly. Such a meeting had been proposed by Mr. Spaak, Belgian Foreign Minister, and endorsed by the other Foreign Ministers of the Benelux nations on June 22. After a meeting with Mr. Spaak in Paris on June 30, Mr. Mendes-France agreed on the usefulness of such a meeting as soon as the French government had made known its views on the treaty as it stood at that time and before the French National Assembly voted on its ratification.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 1879-1885 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Bommarius

I cannot avoid beginning on an embarrassing note –– speaking to you as possibly the next German Foreign Minister. That is a position I will have earned because it is a good old (bad) tradition in Germany that its Foreign Ministers speak English either not at all or so badly that it is better if they do not speak it. Some say that not being able to speak English is even a requirement for becoming Foreign Minister. Well, in that case my prospects are excellent. I hope you will forgive my poor English.


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-342

The Council of Foreign Ministers Deputies on the Austrian Treaty reopened their sessions in London on January 9, 1950. At the first meeting the Soviet deputy (Zarubin) reported that he was without instructions and was still awaiting conclusion of Soviet-Austrian negotiations on Austria's payments for post-war supplies and services by the USSR. After several subsequent meetings at which Mr. Zarubin was still without instructions, the United States, United Kingdom, and French ambassadors in Moscow protested to Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko against the delays encountered in the treaty negotiations. The three ambassadors requested “assurances” that the treaty negotiations would not be further delayed but did not receive them.


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 590-590

On August 13, 1955, delegates from the five members of the Organization of Central American States (OCAS)—Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica—convened at Antigua, Guatemala, for the first formal meeting of the organization, which had been “founded in 1951. According to the press, the first formal meeting had been postponed a number of times: until 1954, because Guatemala had withdrawn in protest against the anticommunist point of view of the other members, and after Guatemala had rejoined in 1954, because of tension between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. The most important and controversial item on the agenda of the conference, according to reports, was the election of a Secretary General; on August 24, after lengthy debate, the foreign ministers of the five member states chose by acclamation Jose Guillermo Trabanino, Foreign Minister for Ell Salvador. His election was reported to have been a diplomatic victory for Nicaragua against Costa Rica, since before the conference it had been generally supposed that, under the terms of an unofficial agreement reached by the five foreign ministers in April 1955, the post would go to a Costa Rican. The El Salvadorian nomineehad been approved to break the deadlock which developed as it became apparent in the course of the conference that Nicaragua would vote against any candidate proposed by Costa Rica. Other action taken by the conference included the following: 1) it requested the Secretary General to initiate conversations with the Superior Central American University Council, to coordinate activities in the field of higher education in the region; 2) it authorized the creation of a council of culture and education as a specialized agency widiin the organization;) it authorized its central office to study and formulate a project to be presented at the next ordinary conference, toward a Central American customs union; and 4) it created a commission of jurists to study the codification of Central American legislation, initiate studies on the possibility of unifying juridic principles and establishing cooperation with the corresponding organs of the United Nations and the Organization of American States.


1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 428-429

The eighteenth ordinary session of the Council of the Arab League was held in Cairo, March 28 to April 9, 1953. The League members were, in general, represented by the heads of their diplomatic missions in Cairo although the Egyptian government was understood to have requested that each state send its foreign minister. Although the recommendations of the Council were not made public, they were understood to have covered such questions as west Germany's ratification of the reparations agreement with Israel, the economic boycott of Israel and the forthcoming visit of the Secretary of State of the United States (Dulles). At the close of the meeting, the assistant Secretary-General (Ahmed Shukairy) said that the question of the dispute between the United Kingdom and Egypt over the Suez canal zone had been discussed in the course of a general survey of political problems but that it had not been raised specifically. During the Council session a meeting of the foreign ministers of the Arab League states was called for April 3; however, the governments of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon declined to attend. There were some reports that their refusal stemmed from a disinclination to become involved in any disagreement between Egypt and the United Kingdom; however, officials in Lebanon denied the accuracy of the reports, saying that the meeting had been postponed because its principal purpose had been to consider political problems of the Arab world in the light of a report which the Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia (Prince Faisal) was to make upon his return from the United States and Prince Faisal had not returned in time to hold the meeting as scheduled.


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 574-578

CouncilOn July 16, the Council of the North Adantic Treaty Organization (NATO) held its seventeenth ministerial session in Paris under the chairmanship of Stephanos Stephanopolos, Foreign Minister of Greece. According to press reports, the session had been arranged to provide an opportunity for the foreign ministers of France, the United Kingdom, and the United States to exchange views with their NATO colleagues prior to the Geneva Conference. The one-day meeting agreed that the unification of Germany was the issue of primary importance to be discussed at Geneva. Nothing should be done to prejudice the ultimate uniting of Germany by free elections or its right to choose its own foreign policy when unified. Following the remarks of Mr. Spaak, it was agreed that the defense system built around the Adantic coalition was not negotiable, and that the NATO system should not be subject to discussion with die Soviet Union. Germany should remain in this system whatever new agreement on arms limitations might be reached, and a united Germany should have the right to adhere to the system if it so chose. Mr. Spaak urged that the two sides should agree at Geneva not to increase their forces rather than try to agree on immediate major reductions in armaments.


1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-337

The second meeting of the Council of the Southeast Asian Defense Treaty Organization (SEATO) was held in Karachi, Pakistan from March 6 through 8, 1956, under the chairmanship of Hamidul Haq Chowdhury, Foreign Minister of Pakistan. The meeting was attended by the foreign ministers of the eight member states: Australia, France, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thailand, the United Kingdom and United States. In the communique issued at the close of the session, the Council maintained that SEATO had made a notable contribution to the maintenance of peace in southeast Asia and the southwest Pacific. Council members affirmed that their countries would never commit aggression and that their cooperation under SEATO was directed toward mutual defense and the maintenance of peace. In regard to political developments in southeast Asia, the Council noted with satisfaction reports of the steps being taken toward establishing full self-government and independence for Malaya within the United Kingdom, and the further progress in the development of free political institutions in the region, particularly in regard to Cambodia, Laos and the Republic of Vietnam which, although not members of SEATO, were under its protection.


1952 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-143

Austrian State Treaty: On October 31, 1951, the Foreign Minister of Austria, Karl Gruber, transmitted to the representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and the Soviet Union in Vienna a note requesting these countries to reopen negotiations on the Austrian state treaty at the earliest possible moment. Subsequently, the United States High Commissioner for Austria, Walter Donnelly, stated that it was “consistent with the unswerving policy of the United States Government to terminate the occupation of Austria by means of a state treaty” and was “also in keeping with the statement of the Foreign Ministers of the United Kingdom, France, and the United States in Washington on September 14.” He added that the United States would continue to press for the conclusion of the treaty and withdrawal of troops from Austria, but would not withdraw until all the occupying powers were prepared to do likewise.


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