AUSTRIAN POLITICAL SCANDALS: «KURTZ AFFAIR»

The article focuses on the political biography of Sebastian Kurz, who held the post of Federal Chancellor of Austria till autumn of 2021. He is being accused of abuse of power in order to achieve political goals. In Europe Kurz was considered to be one of the most promising politics, who came all the way to the top over the decade – a stellar career path, which would require entire political lifetimes for others to cross. Without higher education degree he over the few years rose from the position of a mere activist of youth movement of Austrian’s People’s Party to the role of the party leader. At the age of 27 he took up the post of Foreign Minister, and aged 31 he reached the top of the national politic as the Federal Austrian Chancellor. During the second decade of the XXI century Kurz used to be one of the interlocutors of the European and world leaders and one of the main officials in EU.

The Musical Diplomacy of Metternich

That festivities are woven into the historical image of the Austrian diplomat, foreign minister, and state chancellor Clemens von Metternich (1773–1859) is in part the byproduct of his investment in music. As an amateur performer, passionate connoisseur, attentive patron, and frequent host, Metternich cultivated an international soundworld that presented opportunities for cooperative performances. Ensemble music and collective listening provided experiences of international concert that gained significance in the context of multilateral congresses and meetings. Musical exchanges, sustained through the activity of women and professional musicians, contributed to fostering diplomatic relations and international presence. In the context of the Restoration’s competing soundworlds, Metternich deployed a patronage of Rossini’s work and Italian opera music, with increasing intensity but mixed effect. This history speaks to the function of music in the presentation of self in international encounters and the resources to be found in the plurality of roles diplomats perform.

http://philjournal.ru/en/issues/Current%20Issue/?ELEMENT_ID=2177

The article explores intertexts and precedent phenomena used in current political discourse as exemplified by the speeches of President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation Sergey Lavrov. As globalization marches on, an increasing number of international conferences, summits, forums is held. Political speeches garner attention of both linguists and a wider audience, as it becomes apparent that political communication can affect people and the international political agenda. Particular attention should be paid to interpreting intertexts. A combination of these factors makes this research highly relevant. The paper focuses on intertexts in political discourse, their types, and how they are interpreted simultaneously from Russian into English. The case study includes videos and scripts of public speeches delivered by President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation Sergey Lavrov that can be found on the official website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, on the official website of the President of Russia, and on a video sharing service YouTube. The case study is underpinned by analytical and comparative methods. Practical implications of the present research include ways of interpreting intertexts in the booth in order to ensure successful communication.

Between the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution

Yuan-tsung returned to Beijing in November 1960, but she could not forget what she had seen in the Red Flag Commune, and so she planned to circumvent another, probably worse catastrophe. She discussed options with Jack. Both agreed to leave China for Hong Kong, where Jack’s brother Percy ran the Marco Polo Club, a sort of bridge between Western businessmen and China. Jack would work as a freelance journalist. They consulted their friend Comrade Xia. Xia arranged for Jack to meet the foreign minister, Chen Yi, who liked to wear a French Beret. Chen Yi thought it was a good idea that Jack continue his work in a less restrictive environment. But Yuan-tsung and Jack disagreed on when to depart. She preferred 1965 and he, 1966. She was afraid that anything might happen in that one year.

The Mob Rule

In 1966, the Cultural Revolution broke out. Chen Yi, the foreign minister and Zhou Enlai’s right-hand man, sent a message to Jack, through Comrade Xia on a secret errand, that he would grant Jack an exit visa if he applied for one. But soon Mao’s Red Guards ran amok. Chen Yi was pushed aside. Jack, no longer protected by his family’s reputation and his own connections, was assaulted and not allowed to leave the compound of the Foreign Languages Bureau, where he worked on the English edition of the Peking Review. Yuan-tsung, however, was mobile. She went to see the Red Guards rally at Tiananmen; each of the participants held the Little Red Book, the compilation of Mao’s quotes.

The Role of the Cyprus Issue in the Greek-Soviet Relations (1956-1960)

The article examines the role of the Cyprus issue in the bilateral relations between Greece and the USSR in 1956-1960. It is based on primal archival research realised at the Constantine Karamanlis Archive (AKK) and at the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Foreign Ministry (DIAYE) in Athens. The analysis of the recently declassified documents relate to the events which took place in 1954, when the Soviet Union supported the Greek claims for self-determination of the Cypriot people in the United Nations on the basis of the anti-colonial principles. This contributed to the impressive increase in trade between Greece and the USSR, especially after the unofficial visit of the Soviet Foreign Minister D.T. Shepilov to Athens in 1956. Against the backdrop of the deterioration of the international situation in 1957, Kremlin heavily criticized NATOs decision to deploy the US Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) in Europe and applied diplomatic pressures to NATO member-states including Greece. The shift from tensions to a peaceful offensive strategy, characteristic of the Soviet diplomacy towards Greece, proved to be a double-edged sword for Moscow in the long term. The author concludes that both countries exploited the Cyprus issue for their benefit. Thus, Moscow managed to take advantage of the Greek discontent with the NATO allies as a means of increasing its own prestige in the region, while the Greek governments capitalized on the Soviet tactics in order to increase its political leverage in confronting NATO on Cyprus.

Ukrainian officials downplay Russian invasion fears

Significance Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba on November 29 called for action "now, not later" to "deter" Russia. The same day, US Defense Department spokesman John Kirby said the Pentagon was watching Russian troop movements near Ukraine "with great concern". Fears of imminent conflict stem not just from the number of troops and tanks moved closer to Ukraine, but from Moscow's more than usually hostile rhetoric and its deliberate ambiguity, through hints that Ukraine may provoke it into some form of action. Impacts The threat of Russian action will accelerate and expand the defence assistance Ukraine gets from the United States and other NATO members. Moscow would hope its importance as a gas supplier mitigates EU sanctions imposed for military action against Ukraine. The Ukrainian government will be tempted to use the Russian threat to curb domestic opposition.

JAPAN'S ECONOMIC POLICY IN ARMENIA (1992-2021)

The purpose of this article is to show the economic policy of Japan towards Armenia after the establishment of Armenian-Japanese diplomatic relations. The article presents three phases of Japan's economic policy, taking into account the type of assistance provided by Japan to Armenia, which is correlated with Armenia's economic and GDP’s growth. The first phase covers 1992-99, during which bilateral economic relations were limited to grant assistance provided by Japan to Armenia, with the aim of supporting the economic recovery of the newly independent state and ensuring sustainable economic growth. The second phase (2000-04) marked the beginning of economic cooperation between the two countries. Due to its stable economic growth, Armenia received loans from Japan for developing economic infrastructures. During the third phase (2005- up to date) Japan has expanded its cooperation with the Republic of Armenia and begun to provide technical equipment for the development of targeted sectors. At this stage, Japan clearly defined the direction of its assistance and the sectors necessary for the stimulation of the Armenian economy, in particular, the energy sector, small and medium-sized businesses, as well as the development of villages. Japan also greatly supports Armenia by providing Japanese technologies for risk prevention in natural disaster zones and organizing training courses and discussion- meetings for Armenian specialists aimed to promote capacity building on the implementation of disaster risk reduction and emergency situations. Since 2018, Japan has begun to consider Armenia as a full-fledged economic entity, and review the possibility to build mutually beneficial economic relations. The main witnesses are the signed agreement on investment liberalization in 2018, the visit of Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono to Armenia for developing bilateral relations in the fields of banking, innovation, food security, information technology, artificial intelligence, cultural exchange, scientific and educational projects, as well as active contacts of Armenian President with Japanese organizations.

The Austrian-Hungarian Press Regarding the Tsar’s Visit to Constanţa in June 1914

The historical events in the first part of 1914 catalyzed an intense political discussion either for maintaining in or retreating Romania from the Triple Alliance. The appointment of I.I.C. Brătianu, known for his political orientation in favor of the Entente, as Prime Minister in the early 1914 created a favorable ground for Franco-Russian diplomatic actions. However, the event which produced the most hectic agitation in the German and Austro-Hungarian diplomatic circles regarding the progress the Entente powers were achieving in Romania was the visit of the Russian tsar to Constanța on June 14, 1914, continued by the talks between Brătianu and Sazonov in the coming days. Although the official circles justifiably maintained a reserved attitude, the press of the Great Powers in the Triple Alliance commented extensively and openly on the special significance of the visit made in Romania by Tsar Nicholas II and the Russian Foreign Minister Sazonov.

FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON

The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.