Transnational Advocacy Networks, Female Labor Migration and Trafficking in East and Southeast Asia: A Gendered Analysis of Opportunities and Obstacles

2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Piper ◽  
Anders Uhlin
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Labor Migration ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
East And Southeast Asia

The aim of this article is to advance political economy and politics into migration studies by analyzing the role of transnational advocacy networks working on issues of trafficking and labor migration in East and Southeast Asia. Drawing on some empirical research, but mainly offering conceptual ideas, we demonstrate the importance of gender not only in trafficking and labor migration but also in transnational advocacy. First, we contextualize trafficking and labor migration within a gendered international political economy, focusing on existing power relations between genders, between classes and between states. Second, we examine the role of transnational advocacy networks in this context. In particular, we argue that a broader understanding of political opportunities and obstacles is needed. Emphasizing the transnational context and the importance of gender, we outline different types of opportunities and obstacles to advocacy in this particular area.

Democratization

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Welzel ◽  
Ronald F. Inglehart
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽  
Historical Perspectives ◽  
Sub Saharan

Democratization introduces the theoretical and practical dimensions of democratization. Focusing on the ‘global wave of democratization’ that has advanced since the early 1970s, this text examines the major perspectives, approaches, and insights that have informed research on democratization. The book is divided into four parts based on four aspects of democratization. Part One deals with theoretical and historical perspectives; Part Two focuses on causes and dimensions of democratization; Part Three looks at actors and institutions; and Part Four is concerned with regions of democratization such as Southern Europe, Latin America, the Middle East and North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and East Asia. Topics include the distinction between democratic and undemocratic states, the role of democratization in foreign policy, and the contributions of social movements, protest, and transnational advocacy networks to democratic transition. Key themes covered in this thoroughly revised and updated second edition include: theories of democratization; critical prerequisites and driving social forces of the transition to democracy; pivotal actors and institutions involved in democratization; conditions for democratic survival and the analysis of failed democratization; demonstrations of how these factors have played a role in the different regions in which the global wave of democratization transplaced authoritarian and communist systems; and possible futures of democratization worldwide.

scholarly journals Winning and Losing in the Modern Era: Identity, Mobilisation, and Empowerment in Southeast Asia

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-116
Author(s):  
Meredith L. Weiss
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Evolving System ◽  
Modern Era

AbstractIn Southeast Asia as elsewhere, shifts in global, regional, and domestic politics and economies benefit some and disadvantage others. Overall, those individuals and groups defined by their subordinated position in the emerging political economy are at a disadvantage. Moreover, the decline of ideology, particularly with the seemingly hegemonic advance of neoliberalism, has limited space for challenge along those lines. Rather than assume, however, that it is merely the wealthiest ‘one per cent’ whoareadvantaged and empowered in this evolving system, we can weigh what resources and alliances are available to whom. Members of newly-formed categories may benefit from the shifting tides, regardless of class or structural position, for instance given their alignment with prevailing norms or frames, or their access to new media and transnational advocacy networks. Some of those most disadvantaged by the shifting economic context, on the other hand, may be doubly disempowered, as they face added hurdles to identity-building and collective action. This article explores new regimes of domination and resistance from below, focusing on why particular collective identities gain salience at particular moments and what determines which movements or claims take off or fail to thrive.

The role of licit and illicit transnational networks during the Troubles

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devashree Gupta
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
And Function ◽  
And Diffusion

From the beginning of the Troubles, groups in Northern Ireland deliberately sought and made use of transnational allies to further their political goals and gain strategic advantages vis-à-vis their opponents. Organizations on both sides of the conflict turned to external allies, including diaspora groups, like-minded movements, and groups with ideological affinities for accessing resources, expanding and practicing their tactical repertoires, and strengthening their claims to legitimacy. While the existence of this transnational dimension of the Troubles is well documented, the differences among cross-border networks—how they were structured, how they functioned, and their impact on the dynamics of the conflict—are less well understood. Drawing on social movement theory, particularly work on transnational advocacy networks, coalition formation, and diffusion, this chapter compares the structure and function of two types of cross-border networks that resulted: licit ties that publicly connected two or more groups, and illicit ties that allowed groups to forge secretive connections with potential allies.

1. Introduction

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian W. Haerpfer ◽  
Patrick Bernhagen ◽  
Ronald F. Inglehart ◽  
Christian Welzel
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽  
Historical Perspectives ◽  
Sub Saharan

This text examines a number of perspectives, approaches, and insights that have informed research on democratization. Throughout the text, democracy and democratization are discussed together, and each approach to democratization is presented. The text is divided into four parts based on four aspects of democratization. Part One deals with theoretical and historical perspectives; Part Two focuses on causes and dimensions of democratization; Part Three looks at actors and institutions; and Part Four is concerned with regions of democratization such as Southern Europe, Latin America, Middle East and North Africa. Sub-Saharan Africa, and East Asia. Topics include the distinction between democratic and undemocratic states, the role of democratization in foreign policy, and the contributions of social movements, protest, and transnational advocacy networks to democratic transition.

The superpower’s dilemma: to appease, repress, or transform transnational advocacy networks?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Noakes
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
Causal Influence ◽  
Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Advocacy Campaigns

This introductory chapter spells out a crucial problem in the study of transnational networks from the perspective of international relations scholarship—if TANs are fundamentally ideational constructs, defined and driven by commitment to a core principle or cause, what are we to make of periodic changes to their mission and message? What is the role of China’s strong authoritarian state in shaping the trajectories and results of transnational advocacy campaigns? The chapter posits that the soft power of the state (backed by coercive capability) imposes incentives on TANs that can effect the various processes and pathways taken by advocacy campaigns. The chapter suggests that advocates and activists need to take the state and its structures seriously when crafting advocacy, given the causal influence these have over campaign trajectories and campaign results.

Comparative Political Economy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg Menz
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
Adam Smith ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Comparative Political Economy ◽  
Technological Parameters ◽  
Private Debt

This new and comprehensive volume invites the reader on a tour of the exciting subfield of comparative political economy. The book provides an in-depth account of the theoretical debates surrounding different models of capitalism. Tracing the origins of the field back to Adam Smith and the French Physiocrats, the development of the study of models of political-economic governance is laid out and reviewed. Comparative Political Economy (CPE) sets itself apart from International Political Economy (IPE), focusing on domestic economic and political institutions that compose in combination diverse models of political economy. Drawing on evidence from the US, the UK, France, Germany, Sweden, and Japan, the volume affords detailed coverage of the systems of industrial relations, finance, welfare states, and the economic role of the state. There is also a chapter that charts the politics of public and private debt. Much of the focus in CPE has rested on ideas, interests, and institutions, but the subfield ought to take the role of culture more seriously. This book offers suggestions for doing so. It is intended as an introduction to the field for postgraduate students, yet it also offers new insights and fresh inspiration for established scholars. The Varieties of Capitalism approach seems to have reached an impasse, but it could be rejuvenated by exploring the composite elements of different models and what makes them hang together. Rapidly changing technological parameters, new and more recent environmental challenges, demographic change, and immigration will all affect the governance of the various political economy models throughout the OECD. The final section of the book analyses how these impending challenges will reconfigure and threaten to destabilize established national systems of capitalism.

scholarly journals Conflitos armados e a agenda internacional: a questão da mulher

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 1277-1295
Author(s):  
Iazana Matuella
Keyword(s):  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Advocacy Networks ◽  
Transnational Advocacy Networks

Resumo: A violência contra a mulher é um debate antigo e possui reivindicações de mulheres, de forma organizada, há mais de um século. Porém, sua introdução como importante tema na agenda internacional foi recente e dependeu de um grande esforço de grupos de mulheres. Assim, esse artigo pretende analisar como os movimentos de mulheres, desde 1945, com a criação da Organização das Nações Unidas, influenciaram a incorporação da problemática da violência contra a mulher, principalmente em períodos de conflitos armados, pelo sistema internacional de proteção da pessoa humana, bem como a observância dessas diretrizes pelos Estados e Organizações Internacionais. O argumento aqui apresentado é que apenas a partir da década de 1990, com as Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) efetivadas e pela consideração dos Direitos das Mulheres como um Direito Humano fundamental, foi que a temática recebeu a valoração que merecia na agenda internacional. Esse impacto escoou também para o âmbito dos conflitos armados, onde as mulheres são as mais impactadas e vulnerabilizadas. Portanto, diversas normas foram criadas a fim de eliminar a violência de gênero, e conclui-se que a principal falha se mantém na inobservância dessas diretrizes, tanto a nível estatal como internacional.

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