scholarly journals Collective Bargaining and Social Pacts: Greece in Comparative Perspective

2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stella Zambarloukou
2020 ◽  
pp. 0143831X2097633
Author(s):  
Alessia Vatta

In recent years, decentralised collective bargaining has been increasingly discussed in Italy. The importance of collective bargaining is often questioned, but sectoral agreements have various purposes and the related bilateral bodies and funds are managed jointly by social partner organisations. In comparison with peak-level social pacts, it is a less visible kind of cooperation, but particularly relevant in times of crisis. The article deals with the activity of bipartite bodies and funds. The analysis shows that they perform remarkable functions and could develop further. However, some problems also emerge from the comparison with bilateral experiences in other countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 99-121
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon

This chapter takes up right-to-work and public-sector collective bargaining legislation at the end of the 1950s and shows how they caught on in the Midwest and elsewhere over the next two decades. The chapter then considers the experience of the other two large industrial states in the region, Michigan and Illinois. While there are some notable differences within the region, such as the impressive labor–liberal coalition in Michigan, it is marked mostly by the disorganization of labor and its allies. Armed with this information, the key findings from chapters 3–5 are put in comparative perspective. While there was no magic bullet for union influence, unions succeeded when they cultivated a broad coalition or influential political allies and, importantly, when their opposition crumbled. This required the presence of unusually resourceful local activists or a push from far-sighted national organizations to overcome otherwise weak statewide organization.


Author(s):  
Pablo Pérez Ahumada

Abstract Since Chile returned to democracy in 1990, centre-left governments have tried to reform the provisions on collective bargaining, strikes and unions established by the Pinochet dictatorship. Between 2015 and 2016 President Michelle Bachelet made the latest attempt to reform them. Despite favourable conditions, the changes were modest. This article explains why this is so. Drawing upon the notion of ‘associational power’ and through comparisons with labour reforms in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, this article suggests that the imbalance between workers’ and employers’ collective power is key for explaining why pro-labour reforms fail.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-280
Author(s):  
Samuel Engblom ◽  
Magnus Lundberg

The personal scope of Swedish labour law is almost exclusively defined by the concept of the employee. Few workers other than employees are covered. From a comparative perspective, the Swedish concept of employee is rather wide, and the exemptions from the personal scope are few. There are no intermediary categories between employees and self-employed workers, but the scope of e.g. some occupational safety and health regulations is extended to cover some self-employed workers. Swedish trade unions are allowed to organise self-employed workers and many unions do so. There are some examples of collective bargaining agreements covering or regulating the conditions of self-employed workers.


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