The evolution of Italian bilateral bodies and funds in a comparative perspective

2020 ◽  
pp. 0143831X2097633
Author(s):  
Alessia Vatta

In recent years, decentralised collective bargaining has been increasingly discussed in Italy. The importance of collective bargaining is often questioned, but sectoral agreements have various purposes and the related bilateral bodies and funds are managed jointly by social partner organisations. In comparison with peak-level social pacts, it is a less visible kind of cooperation, but particularly relevant in times of crisis. The article deals with the activity of bipartite bodies and funds. The analysis shows that they perform remarkable functions and could develop further. However, some problems also emerge from the comparison with bilateral experiences in other countries.

2020 ◽  
pp. 99-121
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon

This chapter takes up right-to-work and public-sector collective bargaining legislation at the end of the 1950s and shows how they caught on in the Midwest and elsewhere over the next two decades. The chapter then considers the experience of the other two large industrial states in the region, Michigan and Illinois. While there are some notable differences within the region, such as the impressive labor–liberal coalition in Michigan, it is marked mostly by the disorganization of labor and its allies. Armed with this information, the key findings from chapters 3–5 are put in comparative perspective. While there was no magic bullet for union influence, unions succeeded when they cultivated a broad coalition or influential political allies and, importantly, when their opposition crumbled. This required the presence of unusually resourceful local activists or a push from far-sighted national organizations to overcome otherwise weak statewide organization.


Author(s):  
Pablo Pérez Ahumada

Abstract Since Chile returned to democracy in 1990, centre-left governments have tried to reform the provisions on collective bargaining, strikes and unions established by the Pinochet dictatorship. Between 2015 and 2016 President Michelle Bachelet made the latest attempt to reform them. Despite favourable conditions, the changes were modest. This article explains why this is so. Drawing upon the notion of ‘associational power’ and through comparisons with labour reforms in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, this article suggests that the imbalance between workers’ and employers’ collective power is key for explaining why pro-labour reforms fail.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-280
Author(s):  
Samuel Engblom ◽  
Magnus Lundberg

The personal scope of Swedish labour law is almost exclusively defined by the concept of the employee. Few workers other than employees are covered. From a comparative perspective, the Swedish concept of employee is rather wide, and the exemptions from the personal scope are few. There are no intermediary categories between employees and self-employed workers, but the scope of e.g. some occupational safety and health regulations is extended to cover some self-employed workers. Swedish trade unions are allowed to organise self-employed workers and many unions do so. There are some examples of collective bargaining agreements covering or regulating the conditions of self-employed workers.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Marianne Grünell

This article analyses the current status of gender mainstreaming in collective bargaining in 17 EU countries and Norway. It examines the preconditions for including gender mainstreaming in collective bargaining, as well as within the internal practices of the trade union and employers' organisations. Gender mainstreaming is on the agenda of the union confederations in all 18 countries studied. Employers' confederations tend to integrate gender mainstreaming into their practices to a lesser extent, placing emphasis on matters such as diversity policies and preferring individual tailor-made solutions rather than general rules. Nevertheless, gender is mostly mainstreamed into collective bargaining at a national level. In 14 of the 18 countries studied, collective agreements address the issue of reconciling work and care responsibilities, a central element of the mainstreaming strategy. Although not explicitly categorised as such, the provisions agreed upon are in line with the employability and adaptability pillars of the pre-2003 European Employment Strategy. There is therefore evidence that gender is starting to be mainstreamed and that the male breadwinner model is being questioned within organisations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 617-633 ◽  
Author(s):  
Udo Rehfeldt

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present the actors, institutions and changing rules of the French system of industrial relations (IR). It questions whether the traditional view of the French model as “state-centric” is still adequate. Design/methodology/approach Based on institutionalist IR theories of social regulation and neocorporatism, the paper analyses the evolution of the French IR system from a “State-centric” model to the development of collective bargaining, both at the sector and company level, as well as of tripartite concertation. Findings Initially based on adversarial relations between trade unions and employers, compensated by strong state interventionism, the French IR system has experienced a series of reforms, adopted under the pressure of the unions in the 1980s and mostly under the pressure of the employers’ organisations since the turn of the century. These reforms boosted collective bargaining at the workplace level and tripartite concertation at the peak level. The paper analyses the limits of both developments and explains why a reversal of the hierarchy of norms was imposed in 2016 by law without prior concertation. Originality/value The paper presents an original explanation of the change of the initial French IR model, stressing the importance of power relations and the role of IR experts in the different reform moments.


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