scholarly journals Bottoms up: How subnational elections predict parties’ decisions to run in presidential elections in Europe and Latin America

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801560203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jae-Jae Spoon ◽  
Karleen Jones West
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-159
Author(s):  
Jae-Jae Spoon ◽  
Karleen Jones West

Shugart and Carey were among the first scholars to recognise that there is a relationship between regional and local – or subnational – electoral forces and the presidential race. Yet because of a lack of subnational electoral data, this relationship has largely remained unexplored. We elaborate on Shugart and Carey’s theory to argue that the effects of decentralisation are conditional on a party’s presence in subnational elections for determining when and why parties enter the presidential race. Using an original dataset of subnational electoral results and presidential strategies in 17 countries in Europe and Latin America from 1990 to 2013, we find that parties with a small presence in subnational elections are more likely to compete for the presidency under more extensive decentralisation. Statewide parties, however, contest presidential elections regardless of level of decentralisation. These findings have important implications for understanding Shugart and Carey’s expectation that subnational contestation influences national party systems, presidential elections and democratic representation more generally.


Worldview ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-18
Author(s):  
Paul E. Sigmund

At a time when countries in the Southern Cone of Latin America are returning to constitutional democracy (Argentina in 1983, Uruguay in 1984, and gradually Brazil, where indirect presidential elections are scheduled for January 15), the trend is being reversed in Chile. After eighteen months of protests by trade unions and opposition parties, Chile's military ruler, Augusto Pinochet, has imposed a state of siege, exiled hundreds of Chileans to remote areas of the country, heavily censored the press and radio, conducted police roundups and security checks of lower-class areas of Santiago, and, to repress a protest demonstration, called out the Army at the end of November. His interior minister has also taken action against a leading churchman, incurring the wrath of the newly appointed moderate archbishop of Santiago, Juan Francisco Fresno.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carreras

Previous studies of voter turnout in Latin America have found weak and inconsistent evidence for the link between political institutions and electoral participation. In this article, I use data from an expanded dataset of voter turnout in Latin America (1980–2016) to show that institutions do have an impact on citizens’ decisions on whether or not to participate in concurrent elections. Whereas previous studies analyzed the effect of legislative institutions on voter turnout, this article estimates a series of models that demonstrate the impact of presidential institutions and the political context surrounding presidential elections on electoral participation. The findings suggest that when first-order (presidential) and second-order (legislative) elections take place concurrently, electoral participation is influenced primarily by presidential institutions (term length, presidential powers, and electoral rules) and the electoral context in which the presidential elections take place (effective number of presidential candidates).


Author(s):  
Arkadiy Alekseevich Eremin ◽  
Asmik Armenovna Barsegian ◽  
Dmitry Igorevich Prostakov ◽  
Vasiliy Dmitrievich Kuntsev

This article analyzes the positions of Brazil and Argentina in Latin America over the period from 2016 to 2020, as well as describes the new alignment of political powers in the region in light of recent presidential elections. Analysis is conducted on consequences of the so-called “rightward turn” for the domestic policy; assessment is given to the succession of Argentina and Brazil in foreign policy considering the shift of political vectors. Special attention is paid to the impact of COVID-19 pandemic upon the leadership potential of Argentina and Brazil in the region. The relevance of this work is first and foremost defined by the shift of political regimes and foreign policy vectors in the countries of Latin America, as well as by challenges and threats faced by the region in recent years. Based on the provided facts and conducted analysis, the authors assess the changes in hierarchy of regional leadership in the region, and conclude the Brazil loses its positions in Latin America, while Argentina was able to shy away from the “rightward” policy and set the trends for the new “leftward turn” in the region.


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