regional leadership
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2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
T. R. Khayrullin

The article examines the struggle of the Qatari- Turkish alliance for regional leadership in the Federal Republic of Somalia. The analysis revealed that the foreign policy activity of Turkey and Qatar in Somalia began during the events of the Arab Spring. Ankara and Doha used diplomatic, military and fi nancial instruments to strengthen their infl uence in the country. Moreover, Qatari money played an important role in promoting pro-qatari candidates to power during the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections. However, the eff orts of the Turkish- Qatari alliance to strengthen its position in Somalia have clashed with the interests of the Saudi- Emirati bloc seeking regional dominance. On the other hand, the inability to close the main cooperation with the central government in Somalia forced the UAE to support such autonomous regions as Somaliland, thereby intensifying the destabilization processes in the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-39
Author(s):  
Dede Lilis Chaerowati ◽  
Tia Muthiah Umar ◽  
Mohamad Subur Drajat

The values ??of religiosity color the awareness that essentially men and women are equal before God. Because of this, Aisyiyah pioneered the women's movement in all fields, and did not hesitate to cooperate with men. Men and women are given the same potential intellectually, morally and spiritually. Every organization has its own cultural style. This paper is based on the perspective of community practice and stakeholder relations. The research method uses a qualitative method with a case study approach, because it examines the natural environment comprehensively in a single case in the Aisyiyah Women's Organization in Bandung City as one of the pioneer organizations in social movements and women's ruhuddin in Indonesia. Data collection techniques: (1) interviewing the Head of Aisyiyah Regional Leadership (PDA) Bandung City; (2) Focus Group Discussion (FGD) with the management of the Bandung City Economic Council PDA; and (3) distributing questionnaires to representatives of Aisyiyah Branch Managers throughout the city of Bandung. The data analysis was carried out using an interactive model and multiple triangulation for the validity of the data. The results of the study show that the various programs of 'Aisyiyah can continue to run with most of them using information technology tools. Meetings are limited to a few participants, so that organizational meetings attended by thousands of participants can still be held virtually. The group communication facility in WhatsApp groups has become an additional means for organizational consolidation. Meetings as official organizational communication can still be held using the zoom meeting application. Therefore, physical movement restrictions during this pandemic, there are almost no significant obstacles for the Aisyiyah Organization to continue implementing the program.


Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 3579
Author(s):  
Kelly M. Suttles ◽  
Alison J. Eagle ◽  
Eileen L. McLellan

Communities across the globe are experiencing degraded water quality as well as inland flooding, and these problems are anticipated to worsen with climate change. We review the evidence that implementing natural infrastructure in upstream agricultural landscapes could improve water quality and reduce flood risk for downstream communities. Based on our analysis, we identify a suite of natural infrastructure measures that provide the greatest benefits, and which could be prioritized for investment by downstream communities and regional leadership, with an emphasis on systems that minimize loss of productive agricultural land. Our results suggest that the restoration of wetlands and floodplains are likely to provide the greatest benefits for both water quality improvement and flood risk reduction.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amlan Haque ◽  
Md Shamirul Islam

Purpose Coronavirus, also known as COVID-19, has presented an opportunity to set aside traditional regional collaborations and take responsible leadership to overcome difficult times. This paper aims to explore the current COVID-19 vaccination progress and pandemic status for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) countries and suggests responsible leadership to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and to think beyond. Design/methodology/approach This paper offers a viewpoint of the current COVID-19 vaccination among eight SAARC nations. It scrutinises the recent COVID-19 vaccination statistics for the eight South Asian countries based on Web-based analytics and comparative analysis until 28 August 2021. Findings This paper calls for collaborative decisions and responsible actions for policymakers in the SAARC countries to deal with the COVID-19 vaccination crisis. When South Asian countries are fraught with the increasing number of populations with COVID-19 cases, deaths and acute shortage of life-saving vaccines, it is time for their national and SAARC leaders to strengthen regional cooperations and initiate collaborative actions. The paper demonstrates that implementing responsible leadership can result in favourable outcomes for individuals, organisations, regions and the world. Moreover, this paper suggests SAARC, through responsible actions, has the potentiality to overcome the current crisis of COVID-19 vaccination and enhance the regional sustainability of the South Asian nations. Originality/value This paper delivers information about the present developing situation of COVID-19 vaccination in SAARC countries, how the governments and regional leadership are handling and future challenges that have been raised and can be overcome effectively. This paper can be helpful for the policymakers and SAARC leaders for effective public health interventions in the region and to develop a recovery roadmap for the sustainable economic zone.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Henning Borchers

<p>This thesis analyses Indonesia's foreign policy in view of role conceptions held by the country's policy and intellectual community and their impact on policy behaviour at the ASEAN level. These role conceptions capture the ways decision-makers perceive Indonesia’s standing and influence in the region and beyond and include the country’s ‘independent and active’ foreign policy doctrine as well as widely held views of the country being a model democracy, a mediator and – increasingly – key actor in regional and global affairs. The research draws attention to how these notions shape Jakarta’s role in ASEAN Community-building and security regionalism. It focuses on a range of initiatives that emphasise ASEAN’s ‘liberal agenda’, including the ASEAN Charter and ASEAN’s approach to conflict resolution and the promotion and protection of human rights. In so doing, it critically reflects on Indonesia’s domestic performance, which stands in at times stark contrast to its agenda on the international stage. I argue that Indonesia’s commitment to promoting liberal norms and values in regional affairs is predominantly instrumental as it aims at consolidating ASEAN cohesion vis-à-vis the influence of external powers in order to advance the country’s regional leadership ambitions and desire to play a more active role at the global level.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Henning Borchers

<p>This thesis analyses Indonesia's foreign policy in view of role conceptions held by the country's policy and intellectual community and their impact on policy behaviour at the ASEAN level. These role conceptions capture the ways decision-makers perceive Indonesia’s standing and influence in the region and beyond and include the country’s ‘independent and active’ foreign policy doctrine as well as widely held views of the country being a model democracy, a mediator and – increasingly – key actor in regional and global affairs. The research draws attention to how these notions shape Jakarta’s role in ASEAN Community-building and security regionalism. It focuses on a range of initiatives that emphasise ASEAN’s ‘liberal agenda’, including the ASEAN Charter and ASEAN’s approach to conflict resolution and the promotion and protection of human rights. In so doing, it critically reflects on Indonesia’s domestic performance, which stands in at times stark contrast to its agenda on the international stage. I argue that Indonesia’s commitment to promoting liberal norms and values in regional affairs is predominantly instrumental as it aims at consolidating ASEAN cohesion vis-à-vis the influence of external powers in order to advance the country’s regional leadership ambitions and desire to play a more active role at the global level.</p>


Author(s):  
Natalia Rybalko ◽  

Introduction. The process of forming zemstvo militias in defense of Tsar V.I. Shuisky and the whole country in the Moscow state began in late 1608 – early 1609 at the height of the confrontation between the Moscow and Tushino political regimes. The article examines the role of the government of V.I. Shuisky in governing the state, in particular, Perm the Great, and the participation of this remote region in military affairs. Researchers have merely addressed this aspect and come to opposite judgments. Methods and materials. We have a large complex of zemstvo correspondence at our disposal, preserved in the archives of the Solikamsk district court. Many documents were published as early as the 19th century but their detailed analysis was not carried out. Clarification of the dating and reconstruction of information both about the documents that have come down to us and the documents only mentioned, the introduction of unpublished acts into circulation allows us to restore the true picture of events. A fund-by-fund study was carried out by the method of mutual correspondence of documents. Analysis. In the course of the research, it was revealed that the first of the initiative documents that reached the Great Perm about the support of Tsar V.I. Shuisky in military affairs were formal replies from Galich and Vologda. Perm clerks F.P. Akinfov and N. Romanov received them on December 15, 1608, and they were read by the whole world. Active gatherings of military men in Perm the Great began only after January 1, 1609, when a list with a sovereign letter was brought to the Galicians. At that time the territory of Perm the Great consisted of 3 counties: Cherdyn, Solikamsk, Kaigorod. By January 10, 1609, the first gathering ended and 20 military men of Soli Kamskaya left on the way to Moscow. In Kaigorodok they were robbed, carts and weapons were taken away, the headman and worldly people did not give new carts in the ship’s hut, as a result they could not continue their journey, and there was a delay. In February, together with 20 Kaigorod military men, they moved on. On March 1, 1609, 50 Cherdynians left Perm the Great. The war men of Perm the Great came to Vologda at the end of March 1609 and were assigned to further service in the militia. Results. The article shows that the complete blockade of Moscow in the fall of 1608 did not materialize. However, regular communication between Moscow and the cities of Pomorie was disrupted. For the period from January 1 to mid-April 1609 in Perm the Great on behalf of Tsar V.I. Shuisky received 5 decree letters from the Novgorod discharge order on the issue of collecting military men and sending them to Moscow to fight the Tushin people, and 3 executive orders from the Novgorod quarter order on the sovereign’s treasury and sending bread to Siberian cities for salaries to service people. These documents were direct orders of the supreme power and were perceived by the order people in Perm the Great as a guide to action. In addition to them, the zemstvo correspondence with the nearest cities made it possible to find out news about the military events taking place in the country. The clerk Fedor Petrovich Akinfov and the clerk Naum Romanov tried to carry out the orders of the tsar, but they did not always manage to do this as quickly as was expected of them. There is no reason to consider the resulting delay in the dispatch of the Perm military men as unwillingness of the orderly people appointed from Moscow for 2–3 years to participate in the support of Tsar V. Shuisky and the Zemstvo movement. The delay is more likely due to the lack of clear administrative management at the local level: if in Soli Kamskoy they quickly responded to the request and sent 20 military men, then in Kaigorodok they began to put up obstacles not only in the form of robbery, but also at the level of mundane self-government, not obeying the regional leadership.


Author(s):  
Detlef Nolte ◽  
Luis L. Schenoni

AbstractRecent trends demonstrate that states with sufficient capabilities to be granted regional power status by its peers (primarily other states within their region) can nonetheless renounce regional leadership. This article analyzes the puzzling behavior of these detached or reluctant regional powers. We argue that resorting to an approach grounded in neoclassical realism is helpful to explain why regional powers might not exercise leadership. In this article regional leadership is conceptualized as an auxiliary goal within the grand strategy of a regional power. This goal will be pursued in the absence of certain structural and domestic constraints. Great power competition determines the incentives for regional leadership at the structural level. Capacity to extract and mobilize resources for foreign policy affects the decision to pursue leadership at the domestic level. We apply the analytical framework to analyze Brazil’s detachment from South America after the Cardoso and Lula presidencies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 048-065
Author(s):  
Tahir Ganiev ◽  
Vladimir Karyakin

The article examines the modern military power of the Turkish Republic and its role in ensuring national security and advancing Turkey on the path of regional leadership. An analysis of Turkey’s geopolitical and strategic military position in the Middle East, as well as the geopolitical and strategic military views of the Turkish leadership, is presented. The article examines the potential of the sides and possible scenarios in the event of a hypothetical military conflict between Turkey and Iran, Egypt and Israel. The goals and methods of military operations conducted by the Turkish armed forces in Syria and Northern Iraq, Turkey’s participation in the civil war in Libya and its assistance to Azerbaijan in the war to liberate Nagorno-Karabakh are analyzed. The article concludes that Turkey’s modern armed forces, despite certain difficulties in development, are the most combat-ready in the NATO bloc and in the Middle East region and provide the Turkish leadership with a solution to all military and political problems.


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