The Military Elite of the Polish Second Republic, 1918–1945: A Historiographical Review

War & Society ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. B. Biskupski
Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-472
Author(s):  
Paul Preston

One of the principal justifications for the military coup of 1936 and the subsequent plan of extermination behind right-wing violence in the Civil War was the accusation that the Second Republic was the anti-Spanish instrument of the Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik conspiracy. Thus, when the conspirators declared that punishment had to be inflicted on freemasons, liberal politicians, journalists, school-teachers, professors, as well as on leftists and trade-unionists, they used the idea of an evil Jewish conspiracy to destroy the Christian world. Of all of the writers who called for an assault on progressive Spain, those who might be termed the ‘theorists of extermination’, the most influential was the Catalan priest, Juan Tusquets Terrats (1901–1998). Awareness and approval of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion was promoted through his enormously popular writings. During the Civil War, he became an adviser to Generals Mola and Franco and his file-card index of names of supposed freemasons was part of the infrastructure of repression.


1991 ◽  
Vol 35 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 174-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
James S. Read

The 1979 Constitution of Nigeria was widely acclaimed as a boldly innovative attempt to introduce structures for democratic government which were new to the Commonwealth. These included the adoption of an American-style separation of legislative and executive powers, albeit with many distinctive elements, to replace the “Westminster model” which had been so productive of tension and conflict at both federal and regional levels under the Independence Constitution of 1960 and the Constitution of the First Republic (1963–66). The executive presidency also represented continuity with the realities of military government (1966–79). Although that transition from the Whitehall to the White House model in the Second Republic (1979–83) proved a short-lived experiment, the problems which precipitated the military coup of 31 December, 1983, or were cited as justifying it, were not attributed to defects in the basic constitutional structures but rather to the ways in which they had been operated by the politicians elected to office—many of whom, as survivors from the previous political era, were more familiar with “Westminster” than “Washington” Now a new generation of constitution-makers has affirmed, on behalf of the nation, its confidence in the basic scheme adopted in 1979: indeed, the new Constitution, enacted in 1989 for implementation in 1992, closely reproduces the structure and most of the detailed provisions of the 1979 Constitution; yet such similarity belies fundamental changes in the political system now in process of restoration.


Author(s):  
Akhan Onggaruly ◽  
◽  
Arhat M. Kairmagambetov ◽  
Abdinur A. Nuskabay ◽  
Saule Zh. Rahimzhanova ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

BUILDER ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 284 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-76
Author(s):  
Marta M. Rudnicka-Bogusz

As a result of wartime operations, many citizens of child-bearing and working age either fell or became disabled, and in the best of cases required treatment due to a worsening of hygienic conditions and malnutrition. According to the Polska Zbrojna magazine from 1933, the health of the Fatherland’s defenders required particular attention. For this reason, in the Second Republic of Poland, the officers’ corps had its own holiday system. Military architecture can largely bring to mind standardised urban layouts of barracks complexes filled with repetitive architecture. However, the architecture of holiday houses, sanatoriums and officers’ homes dedicated to recreation and entertainment (pensioners insisted on the hosting of dancing nights) and health treatment/convalescence is something different altogether. Although the first military holiday home in Cetniewo was built in the manorial style, the so-called White Manor (Biały Dworek), successive buildings were largely designed in the Modernist style, which perfectly fit the relaxed atmosphere and was healthy due to its immanent assumptions: it was equipped with impressive glazing, where the clash of masses caused the appearance of open rooftop terraces, etc. Officers, non-commissioned officers and their families had access to year-round holiday facilities such as the Officers’ Holiday Home in Augustów, seasonal facilities (Officers’ Holiday Complex in Jurata), as well as sanatoriums (Military Sanatorium in Otwock). After sailing and kayaking had become popular among officers, facilities dedicated to specific sports club began to appear, such as the Yacht Club in Zegrze. The design of such facilities was the domain of not only military engineers, but also avant-garde civilian designers, such as Edgar Norwerth, Marian Lalewicz, etc. Recreational homes were not only of recreational and integrative significance, but were also important in propaganda: the Officers’ Recreational Home in Cetniewo was to mark Polish presence on the freshly reclaimed Baltic coast through its modern, avant-garde architecture.


Author(s):  
Patrick Wing

This chapter considers the career of Amīr Ḥusayn, who became known as güregen (Gūrgān), or royal son-in-law after marrying the Ilkhanid princess, Öljetey. This relationship to the Chinggisid family enhanced the status of Amīr Ḥusayn and his son, Shaykh Ḥasan, who rose to prominence within the military elite in the late Ilkhanid period, thanks in large part to his royal mother, the aunt of the last Ilkhan, Abū Sa‘īd.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-34
Author(s):  
Julian Casanova Ruiz ◽  

The CNT maintained very difficult relations with the Republic and ex-perienced different states of mind, from the initial expectations of some to the useless insurrections of others, passing through the hostility of the majority of its affiliates. When all these roads were being remade, the military uprising of July 1936 arrived. Suddenly, anarcho-syndicalism found what it had sought so badly without success, with its historic opportunity to make revolution, to make the egalitarian dream come true. It is an eight-year story that ended, after the victory of Franco's army, in tragedy for Spanish anarchism, with thousands of its militants killed, in prisons or in exile.


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