Nigeria's New Constitution for 1992: The third Republic

1991 ◽  
Vol 35 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 174-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
James S. Read
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Basic Scheme ◽  
White House ◽  
First Republic ◽  
New Generation ◽  
The Military

The 1979 Constitution of Nigeria was widely acclaimed as a boldly innovative attempt to introduce structures for democratic government which were new to the Commonwealth. These included the adoption of an American-style separation of legislative and executive powers, albeit with many distinctive elements, to replace the “Westminster model” which had been so productive of tension and conflict at both federal and regional levels under the Independence Constitution of 1960 and the Constitution of the First Republic (1963–66). The executive presidency also represented continuity with the realities of military government (1966–79). Although that transition from the Whitehall to the White House model in the Second Republic (1979–83) proved a short-lived experiment, the problems which precipitated the military coup of 31 December, 1983, or were cited as justifying it, were not attributed to defects in the basic constitutional structures but rather to the ways in which they had been operated by the politicians elected to office—many of whom, as survivors from the previous political era, were more familiar with “Westminster” than “Washington” Now a new generation of constitution-makers has affirmed, on behalf of the nation, its confidence in the basic scheme adopted in 1979: indeed, the new Constitution, enacted in 1989 for implementation in 1992, closely reproduces the structure and most of the detailed provisions of the 1979 Constitution; yet such similarity belies fundamental changes in the political system now in process of restoration.

To ‘midwife’ – and abort – a democracy: Mauritania's transition from military rule, 2005–2008

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boubacar N'Diaye
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.

scholarly journals Raul Lino and the City

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paulo Manta Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Decorative Arts ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
National Architecture

Over a period of nearly one hundred years, Raul Lino da Silva (1879-1974) experienced the profound political, social and economic changes that marked the twentieth century in Portugal. Having been born during the Constitutional Monarchy (1822-1910), he lived through the First Republic (1910-1926), the Military Dictatorship (1926-1933) and the Second Republic, or Estado Novo (New State, 1933-1974), and died shortly after the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974, at the dawning of the Third Republic. Raul Lino was the architect who published the most in Portugal, having become known through his advocacy of the “Campanha da casa portuguesa” (“Portuguese house campaign”), which provoked a great deal of controversy among his peers. He is less known for the transversal quality of his synthesis between architecture, the decorative arts and territory, and its underlying affirmation of an idea of the city, which we conjecture from a diagonal reading of his theoretical and plastic narrative. We limit the analysis to the first half of the 20th century, concentrating on ten case studies, that encompass architectural projects, urbanistic plans and reports. The above expound the broad conception which he defended in the same year as was held the First National Architecture Congress (1948), whose proposals ratified in Portugal the orthodoxy established in 1933 by the International Congresses of Modern Architecture (CIAM). Quoting Aristotle Raul Lino conceived the city as the locus of happiness, shaping the possibilities of consensus between tradition and modernity by means of architecture, which is both envelope and stage for our collective existence. In fact, Raul Lino anticipated themes to be found in the narratives of authors like Aldo Rossi (1966), Paul Virilio (2004, 2009) or Peter Zumthor (2006), and his thought proves particularly relevant and timely in the present day.

scholarly journals “Urbanistic Architecture” according to Raul Lino

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Paulo Manta Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Modern Architecture ◽  
Decorative Arts ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

Over a period of nearly one hundred years, Raul Lino (1879-1974) experienced the profound political, social and economic changes that marked the twentieth century in Portugal. Having been born during the Constitutional Monarchy (1822-1910), he lived through the First Republic (1910-1926), the Military Dictatorship (1926-1933), the Second Republic, or Estado Novo (New State, 1933-1974), and died shortly after the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974, at the dawning of the Third Republic. He was an architect who published prolifically in Portugal, having become known through his advocacy of the Campanha da casa Portuguesa (Portuguese House Campaign), which provoked a great deal of controversy. The debate peaked with the Polémica da casa Portuguesa (Polemic of the Portuguese house) at the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in 1970, after the inauguration of the retrospective exhibition on Raul Lino. He is less known for the quality of his transversal synthesis conceived between urbanism, architecture, the decorative arts, and its underlying affirmation of an idea of the city, which we conjecture from our analysis of his narrative. This analysis concentrates on eleven case studies that encompasses architectural projects, urbanistic plans and technical advice limited to the first half of the 20th century. The broad, cross-disciplinary position of Lino was defended in the same year as the First National Architecture Congress (1948), whose proposals ratified in Portugal the orthodoxy principles of modern architecture and urban planning for the new universal man-type, established in 1933 by the International Congresses of Modern Architecture (CIAM). Quoting Aristotle, Raul Lino conceived the city as the locus of happiness, shaping forms of consensus between tradition and modernity by means of an architecture at the scale of man and in proportion to his circumstance, consistently outlining a modern possibility of continuity.

Introductory Aspects on Human Rights Violations Suffered by Indigenous Peoples during the Period of Brazilian Civil-Military Dictatorship

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Face ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Military

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.

scholarly journals The anniversary of the military coup attempt in Turkey, July 15–16, 2016. The evolution of a political system

2017 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Coup Attempt

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

A Catalan contribution to the myth of the contubernio Judeo-Masónico-Bolchevique

Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-472
Author(s):  
Paul Preston
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
School Teachers ◽  
Card Index ◽  
The Military

One of the principal justifications for the military coup of 1936 and the subsequent plan of extermination behind right-wing violence in the Civil War was the accusation that the Second Republic was the anti-Spanish instrument of the Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik conspiracy. Thus, when the conspirators declared that punishment had to be inflicted on freemasons, liberal politicians, journalists, school-teachers, professors, as well as on leftists and trade-unionists, they used the idea of an evil Jewish conspiracy to destroy the Christian world. Of all of the writers who called for an assault on progressive Spain, those who might be termed the ‘theorists of extermination’, the most influential was the Catalan priest, Juan Tusquets Terrats (1901–1998). Awareness and approval of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion was promoted through his enormously popular writings. During the Civil War, he became an adviser to Generals Mola and Franco and his file-card index of names of supposed freemasons was part of the infrastructure of repression.

The United States and the 1964 Brazilian Military Coup

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matias Spektor
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
White House ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Rural Workers ◽  
Financial Pressure ◽  
Military Support ◽  
The Military

The John F. Kennedy administration took a bet on the incoming president of Brazil, João Goulart, as he took office on September 8, 1961. Goulart was not a radical socialist, but his opponents portrayed him as an unpredictable nationalist who might unadvisedly fuel the flames of social upheaval and radical revolution, turning Brazil into a second Cuba. Yet, the White House estimated that Goulart was someone they could do business with and sympathized with the idea of Reformas de Base (Goulart’s program of “basic reforms”), which included the extension of labor protections to rural workers, redistributive agrarian reform, and universal suffrage. United States support for Goulart materialized in the form of economic aid, financial assistance via the IMF, and development assistance via the Alliance for Progress partnership. Within a year, however, the tide turned as Goulart failed to comply with American demands that he ban leftists from his cabinet. In a matter of months in 1962, the White House abandoned any hopes of engagement with the Brazilian president. While the crisis that led to Goulart’s fall in March 1964 was the making of domestic political actors within Brazil—as was the military coup to unseat the president—the likelihood and success rate of the golpe grew as the United States rolled out successive rounds of targeted actions against Goulart, including diplomatic and financial pressure, threats of abandonment, support for opposition politicians, collusion with coup plotters, signaling future military support for the plotters in the eventuality of civil war, and the granting of immediate diplomatic recognition for the incoming authoritarian military leaders after the coup. After Goulart, Brazil remained under authoritarian rule for two consecutive decades.

Potholes in the Democratic Road, 1936–1958

Iraq ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Army Officers ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Ideas And Institutions

This chapter analyzes political developments in Iraq from 1936 to 1958. Any growth of democratic ideas and institutions that had been achieved earlier came to an abrupt halt in 1936 following the military coup. Army officers, custodians of political power between 1936 and 1941, cared little, if at all, about democratic institutions and practices. They were succeeded by civilian governments, openly abetted by the Palace, which systematically interfered in the workings of the country's supposed representative institutions. Political parties and groupings operating within the straitjacket of military government and martial law had all but disappeared from the political scene. And successive governments made certain to emasculate Parliament of even the flimsiest pretense of independence and impartiality.

The Legislatures in the First and Second Republics

2018 ◽  
pp. 206-220
Author(s):  
Joseph Olayinka Fashagba
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Politics ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Democratic Experience ◽  
The Military

This study examines the Nigerian democratic experience and governance in the First and the Second Republics. The First Republic began in 1960 with a parliamentary constitution bequeathed to the country by Britain. Despite the euphoria of independence, the inability of the political elites to manage the inherited system and maintain inter- and intraparty harmony as well as interethnic understanding led to the democratic reversal of 1966. The military and the political elites reached a consensus between 1976 and 1979 on the need to adopt a presidential system which they considered to have the elements to achieve stability. However, the Second Republic which began with the presidential constitution of 1979 collapsed in 1983. This chapter discusses the legislative politics, executive-legislative relations, and the reasons for the collapse of the republics. It argues that the adversarial politics of the ruling elites undermined both the parliamentary and presidential constitutions of the republics respectively.

scholarly journals The Search for an Exit from the Dictatorship and the Transformation of Greek Conservatism, 1967-1974

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Sotiris Rizas
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Related Factors ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Military ◽  
A Current

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of transformation of Greek conservatism that evolved during the dictatorship from a current identified with the restrictive practices of the post-Civil War political system to a tenet of the democratic regime established in 1974. The realization that the military coup was not just the manifestation of anti-communism, the dominant ideology of the post-Civil War period, but also of an anti-parliamentary spirit permeating the armed forces, the prolongation of military rule that led to the crystallization of differences between the military regime and the conservative political class and an apprehension that the dictatorship might fuel uncontrollable social and political polarization are three inter-related factors that explain this transformation.

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