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2022 ◽  
pp. 132-144
Author(s):  
Sneha Padhiar ◽  
Kuldip Hiralal Mori

With the rise in use of internet in various fields like education, military, government sector, banking, the security and privacy of the info has been the foremost concern. As in today's era, most of the handling of data and transactions are done online. When the data is transferred from the one end of sender to the other end of receiver online, it's eavesdropped by an intruder and thus could be a threat to the secrecy or confidentiality of the info. The hottest technique that protects the confidentiality of the data is cryptography which converts the plain text into scrambled form which is unreadable. Then the receiver applies a reverse mechanism to decrypt the unreadable data to readable form. This mechanism is known as encryption-decryption process or cryptography. Cryptography can be both symmetric and asymmetric. Here the authors discuss symmetric and asymmetric algorithms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-170
Author(s):  
Imamatul Azizah ◽  
Riska Syafitri ◽  
Supriyanto Supriyanto ◽  
Syarifuddin Syarifuddin

This study discusses the government structure of Palembang during the Japanese occupation in 1942-1945, especially regarding the Syu government. The research method used is historical or historical research methods. The purpose of this research is to increase knowledge and dig deeper into the history of Palembang City and also to highlight the historical traces of the Palembang regional political system during the reign of Japan. This research is related to the Syu government system or called Residency. The results of this study are that before the Japanese came and colonized the archipelago, the Palembang area had rules made by the Dutch and customary law then Japan arrived in Sumatra and issued a new law called Seirei (Osamu Seirei), this rule book discusses military government, which levels consist of Syuugun (residence), Bansyuu (sub-residence), Gun (district), and Son (sub-district), the unique thing is that even though it seems to have changed, in fact, the constitutional structure is the same as the previous system but only changes in terms. Penelitian ini membahas tentang struktur pemerintahan Palembang pada masa pendudukan Jepang tahun 1942-1945 khususnya mengenai pemerintahan Syu. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian sejarah atau historis. Tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk menambah ilmu pengetahuan serta menggali lebih dalam mengenai sejarah di Kota Palembang juga mengangkat jejak historis dari sistem politik daerah Palembang saat berkuasanya Jepang. Penelitian ini terkait sistem pemerintahan Syu atau disebut Keresidenan. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah sebelum Jepang datang dan menjajah wilayah nusantara, daerah Palembang telah terdapat aturan yang dibuat Belanda serta hukum adat kemudian Jepang tiba di Sumatera dan mengeluarkan sebuah Undang-undang baru bernama Seirei (Osamu Seirei), kitab aturan ini membahas tentang pemerintahan militer, yang mana tingkatannya terdiri atas Syuugun (Karesidenan), Bansyuu (sub karesidenan), Gun (distrik), dan Son (subdistrik), uniknya walaupun terkesan berubah tetapi sebenarnya susunan ketatanegaraan ini sama dengan sistem sebelumnya namun hanya mengalami pergantian istilah.


2021 ◽  
pp. 76-96
Author(s):  
Andrew Harding ◽  
Rawin Leelapatana

In this article we examine radical proposals for political, administrative and fiscal decentralisation in Thailand which were developed for Chiang Mai as a potential model for Thailand as a whole. They lay emphasis on local self-government and citizen participation. We argue that these proposals offer a way forward for a Thai decentralisation process that has yet to proceed to the extent envisaged when it was commenced in the 1990s as part of democratisation, embraced most notably in the 1997 Constitution. Moreover, this process, we argue, offers a way out of the extreme confrontation between the yellow and red factions that has troubled Thailand since 2005. As Thailand returns to civilian rule after five years of military government, and local and provincial government comes once more to the fore, we argue that the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Bill of 2013 offer more local democracy as well as imaginative ways of recruiting the enthusiasm of local stakeholders in a system designed to link provincial and local authorities, and the citizenry, in a virtuous circle of democracy and development.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aung Ko Min

<p>Since a new semi-civilian government came to power in March 2011, Myanmar has embarked on sweeping reforms to end its isolation and integrate its economy with the international economy. As a signal of stimulating the economic stagnation, President Thein Sein's government revamped finance and investment laws to draw more foreign investment into the country and asked for financial and technical assistance from the international community at the same time. However, the image of a military-influenced civilian government has created administrative problems for Myanmar's policy of national re-unification and economic development. So Myanmar badly needed to improve its national image and legitimacy in order to reduce the obstacles to its regional and international political and economic objectives. As a diversely populated country, Myanmar leaders thought that projecting a positive national image will contribute to a higher level of national brand and uplift their political legitimacy. Therefore the government decided to host the 27th SEA Games which may be vital for re-branding of Myanmar and so they prepared to formulate this idea since before the transfer of power from military government to a new semi-civilian government in 2011. The Games was a good opportunity for the former Myanmar military leaders to showcase their top-down democratization model. Eventually, with the honour of hosting the Games in December 2013 that returned to the country after 44 years, Myanmar successfully hosted the biggest regional sporting event as a promotion for the new Myanmar. Especially, Myanmar showed its kind hospitability throughout the Games while sport athletes uplifted the nation’s image by earning the most medals for the first time since the competition began in 1959. Therefore, it can be said that hosting the SEA Games could revitalize the standard of Myanmar sports. After the Games, Myanmar people proudly say the words, "That's Myanmar". They have swallowed those words under an oppressive era for decades. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the once-pariah state, Myanmar, used the 2013 SEA Games to present itself as a normal and friendly country and to achieve international recognition.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aung Ko Min

<p>Since a new semi-civilian government came to power in March 2011, Myanmar has embarked on sweeping reforms to end its isolation and integrate its economy with the international economy. As a signal of stimulating the economic stagnation, President Thein Sein's government revamped finance and investment laws to draw more foreign investment into the country and asked for financial and technical assistance from the international community at the same time. However, the image of a military-influenced civilian government has created administrative problems for Myanmar's policy of national re-unification and economic development. So Myanmar badly needed to improve its national image and legitimacy in order to reduce the obstacles to its regional and international political and economic objectives. As a diversely populated country, Myanmar leaders thought that projecting a positive national image will contribute to a higher level of national brand and uplift their political legitimacy. Therefore the government decided to host the 27th SEA Games which may be vital for re-branding of Myanmar and so they prepared to formulate this idea since before the transfer of power from military government to a new semi-civilian government in 2011. The Games was a good opportunity for the former Myanmar military leaders to showcase their top-down democratization model. Eventually, with the honour of hosting the Games in December 2013 that returned to the country after 44 years, Myanmar successfully hosted the biggest regional sporting event as a promotion for the new Myanmar. Especially, Myanmar showed its kind hospitability throughout the Games while sport athletes uplifted the nation’s image by earning the most medals for the first time since the competition began in 1959. Therefore, it can be said that hosting the SEA Games could revitalize the standard of Myanmar sports. After the Games, Myanmar people proudly say the words, "That's Myanmar". They have swallowed those words under an oppressive era for decades. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the once-pariah state, Myanmar, used the 2013 SEA Games to present itself as a normal and friendly country and to achieve international recognition.</p>


Author(s):  
Charles Feghabo ◽  
Blessing Omoregie

Language use is central to Tanure Ojaide’s The Activist, negotiating a better living environment for the people of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Most literary essays on this text, however, overlook Ojaide’s deployment of language to achieve his subversive vision. The text has been interpreted as environmentalism colored by an ideology or artistic documentation of the despoiled ecosystem, its effects on humans, the flora and fauna of the Niger Delta, and the consequential eco-activism. Another read of the text, however, reveals a binary relationship of dominance and subversion in which language is significant to both sides of the intercourse. The existence of dominance and resistance, therefore, necessitates the analysis of the text drawing from the Subaltern theory, an aspect of the Postcolonial theory to which dominance and resistance are central. This essay examines the deployment of language as a hegemonic and subversive tool in the oil politics in the Niger Delta. The binary relationship is couched in bi-partite motifs captured in epithets and contrasting images. In the binary, the multinational oil companies operating in the Niger Delta yoked with the Nigerian military government, are juxtaposed with the people and the Niger Delta as oppressors and the oppressed. Through bipartite motifs that abound in the text, Ojaide concretizes the duality in the Nigerian society vis-a-vis the oil politics in the Niger Delta.  In the duality, language is reinvented and mobilized significantly by both sides as a tool for demonizing and excluding each other to enable the subjugation or subversion of the other.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110509
Author(s):  
Ross King

Bangkok presents a rich history of popular uprisings directed against its periodic military dictatorships. Then, in 2006 and 2010 there were uprisings of increasing theatricality, playing to a hoped-for global audience, but now against democratically elected governments. January 2014 saw this insurrectional performance art raised to a new plateau where the city itself became the stage and the portrayed villain no longer the government, but government as such— against electoral democracy and for some vague, imagined ideal that might be seen as post-electoral democracy based in civil society rather than political parties. An ensuing military-drafted constitution built on this rejection, leading to manipulated elections in 2019 and a new, quasi-elected, monarchist-military government scarcely understandable outside the context of the dark euphoria of 2014. Then in 2020 the tide of insurgence turned again, against the military hegemony but also against the monarchy—a seismic shift. The paper’s focus is on these events of 2014 and their 2020 denouement, also on their implications for both the space and the form of the city in a digital age.


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