scholarly journals Designing Cham Font Unicode Standard and Cham Keyboard

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2.29) ◽  
pp. 853
Author(s):  
Tuyet Nhung Buon Krong ◽  
Van Ngoc Sang ◽  
Mohamad Bin Bilal Ali

The main purpose of this research is to design and develop the Cham font for Unicode standard and Cham keyboard application. Research sample is divided into two groups and research instrument distributed into three forms of survey. The Cham font Unicode standard and the Cham keyboard (Chamkey) was developed using ADDIE model. This survey, the acceptance of Cham font, and Cham keyboard view by fifty-four respondents and the results showed that 100% respondents either agreed or strongly agreed with every statement. In order to evaluate Cham font typeface, we choose fifty-four participants include academics, experts and students to evaluate the typefaces of Cham font using two forms. All of them totally agreed that the typeface of Cham fonts were designed exactly for all alphanumeric Cham letters with the result for EFEO Cam Times is 99.12% and EFEO Cam Arial is 99.64%. Viewed by sixteen experts using Fuzzy Delphi for Cham keyboard application the results show that percentage of all items are 100%, more than what required (75%), the value of d for total construct is 0.08 (required d ≤ 0.2). Thus, it can be concluded that all sixteen experts have come to a consensus that the Cham keyboard is acceptable. In order to preserve and promote the cultural heritage as well as the language and Cham scripts of the United Nations Charter on Indigenous Peoples, we offer a solution for applying information technology in the issue of preserving the native language of the Cham in Vietnam. Hence, using technologies to design and develop for Cham fonts for Unicode standard and Cham keyboards application is not only theoretically significant but also practically significant.  

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Van Ngoc Sang ◽  
Mohamad Bilal Ali ◽  
Noor Dayana Abd Halim

The main purpose of this research is to explore the preferable Cham script and Cham Latin; to develop application and evaluate the application products. Research sample is divided into two groups and the research instrument distributed into two forms of survey. The application was developed using ADDIE model. This survey, the acceptance of Cham script by religious group is 100%, Cham script online voting by student is 90.09%, Cham script by online questionnaire is 98.3%. EFEO Cham Latin by religious group is 100%, EFEO Cham Latin by online questionnaire is 95.4%. Viewed by sixteen experts using Fuzzy Delphi the results show that percentage of all items are 100%, more than what required (75%), the value of d for total construct is 0.02 (required ≤ 0.2). For conversion application, we have checked the accuracy percentage of four Cham poems and results Ariya Gleng Anak 99.88% (n=2459); Nai Mai Mang Makah 100% (n=2523); Ariya Cam Bini 100% (n=1823); Ariya Po Ceng 99.91% (n=2202). Using technologies to preserve the Cham language heritage is not only theoretically significant but also practically significant.  


1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. J. Hudson

Relations between Australia and Indonesia became strained within months of Indonesia's attainment of independence, deteriorating as conflict developed first on the question of West Irian and then as a result of Indonesia's hostility towards Malaysia. For many years, it seemed ironical that Australia should have played a major part in the emergence of a neighbour whose external policies and internal trends endangered rather than safeguarded Australian interests. But there is more involved here than historical irony in the context of Australian-Indonesian relations. Sufficient time has now elapsed for Australian policy on the Indonesian independence question to be seen in the wider context of the whole postwar phenomenon of decolonisation. For it is not merely of interest that Australia should have assisted neighbouring Asian rebels against a European colonial Power (remembering that Australia herself was, and is, a European colonial Power) and should then have been embarrassed by the activities of the rebels coming to office. It is of greater interest that, of the immense number of colonial issues anxiously engaging the attention of international society in the 1940s and 1950s, the years which saw the virtual demise of western colonialism, this was the one issue on which Australia took up the rebel cause. Throughout this period and irrespective of the complexion of the parties in power in Canberra, Australia persistently jeopardised her regional objective of friendly relations with anti-colonial Asia by opposing strongly and, at times, bitterly the anti-colonial cause in the United Nations. If nothing else, the United Nations has provided a forum in which each year Australia and other members have been forced to declare themselves on colonial questions. And, until the 1960s when Australia switched policy, Australia fought against all the anti-colonial Powers' largely successful attempts to have developed a system of international control over colonies under the authority of Chapter XI (“Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories”) of the United Nations charter, to tighten the trusteeship system of supervision erected under Chapters XII and XIII of the charter, and to involve the United Nations in particular disputes so as to meet alleged threats to peace — all of them being attempts, however indirectly, to hasten the attainment of independence by dependent territories. Thus, Australia supported South Africa on South-West Africa, the Netherlands on West New Guinea, the British on Southern Rhodesia and Oman, the Portuguese on their African territories, the French on Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. But Australia opposed the Netherlands on the Indonesian question.


1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-719 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis O. Wilcox

On August 2, 1946, the United States Senate approved the Morse resolution by the overwhelming vote of 62-2, thereby giving its advice and consent to the acceptance on the part of the United States of the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. It was the same Senate which, just one year and one week earlier, had cast a vote of 89-2 in favor of the United Nations Charter. On August 26 Herschel Johnson, acting United States representative on the Security Council, deposited President Truman’s declaration of adherence with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. At long last the United States assumed far-reaching obligations to submit its legal disputes to an international court.


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Spijkers

AbstractA constitution defines the values of a particular community, and establishes institutions to realize these values. In defence of the argument that the United Nations Charter is the world’s constitution, I will try to show that it contains the shared values and norms of the international community, and that the UN’s organs are tasked with the promotion and protection of the shared values and norms as defined in the UN Charter. The focus is on the values of human dignity and peace and security.


Polar Record ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naohiro Nakamura

ABSTRACTThis commentary reviews Maruyama's article ‘Japan's post-war Ainu policy: why the Japanese Government has not recognised Ainu indigenous rights?’ (Maruyama 2013a), published in this journal. Maruyama criticises the government for its reluctance to enact a new Ainu law to guarantee indigenous rights, even after Japan's ratification of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). However, in actuality, the government is searching for the foundation of new Ainu policies in the existing legal frameworks and trying to guarantee some elements of indigenous rights. Japan's case suggests the possibility of realising indigenous rights without the enactment of a specific law.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document