5. Eugenics and racial classification in modern Mexican America

2020 ◽  
pp. 151-173
Author(s):  
Lionel K. McPherson

Understanding black American social identity has suffered from association with the race idea. Being black American is not a racial designation. The tendency to reduce color-conscious social identity to racial classification is a mistake. Black American social identity gets its “blackness” from traceable African ancestry and is marked by the legacy of slavery. Yet being black American has become an elective identity: Americans with visible African ancestry no longer must count as black. But this hardly threatens black social identity and black solidarity, which continue to represent resistance to dishonor and mistreatment attaching to blackness in the United States.


Science ◽  
1954 ◽  
Vol 119 (3100) ◽  
pp. 776-776
Author(s):  
William C. Boyd

Science ◽  
1954 ◽  
Vol 119 (3100) ◽  
pp. 776-777
Author(s):  
A. E. Mourant

Author(s):  
Kenneth Prewitt

This introductory chapter discusses how there was a racial classification scheme in America's first census (1790), as there was in the next twenty-two censuses, up until the present. Though the classification was altered in response to the political and intellectual fashions of the day, the underlying definition of America's racial hierarchy never escaped its origins in the eighteenth-century. Even the enormous changing of the racial landscape in the civil rights era failed to challenge a dysfunctional classification, though it did bend it to new purposes. Nor has the demographic upheaval of the present time led to much fresh thinking about how to measure America. The chapter contends that twenty-first-century statistics should not be governed by race thinking that is two and a half centuries out of date.


Author(s):  
Robyn Autry

It’s a poor sort of memory that only works backwards. — Lewis Carroll, Through the Looking Glass AT THE entrance of the Apartheid Museum located just outside of Johannesburg, South Africa, visitors face a dilemma: they must choose between two passageways marked in Afrikaans and English as “Blankes/Whites Only” or “Nie-Blankes/Non-Whites.” Generally, this causes a commotion, especially on days when large groups of schoolchildren and tourists descend, as visitors uncomfortably consider their options. On many occasions, people sort themselves and file into the separate entrances even if it means splintering groups that arrived together. This powerful moment speaks to the complacency still ingrained in us when it comes to the use of racial classification as a sorting mechanism as much as it does to our willingness to obey rules, whether those of the museum or society at large. Visitors are quickly reunited as the passageways join, but the initial entrance is unsettling and immediately places the visitor in a simulated space that feels more real and personal than most museum experiences....


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311668956
Author(s):  
Steven L. Foy ◽  
Victor Ray ◽  
Ashley Hummel

Recent high-profile research suggests that social indicators like incarceration influence racial categorization. Yet, this research has largely ignored colorism—intraracial differences in skin tone that matter for stratification outcomes. In two experiments, we address how skin tone interacts with criminal background to produce external racial classification and skin tone attributions. We find no evidence that criminal history affects external racial classification or skin tone attribution. However, we find that skin tone is a strong and consistent predictor of external racial classification and skin tone attribution.


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