Chapter 39 Taking a Political Stance

2021 ◽  
pp. 482-490
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Vered Noam

This chapter examines the story of the internecine struggle between the two Hasmonean brothers, Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II, which brought the Hasmonean commonwealth to its end. Only in Josephus is the story of the murder of a righteous man, Onias, juxtaposed to the central tradition regarding the siege of the temple during this war, although this too was clearly an early Jewish tradition. In the rabbinic sources, the story of the siege and the sacrificial animals underwent multiple reworkings, and it is the Babylonian Talmud that reflects the more original version and message of the story. If in Chapter 2, we saw the “rabbinization” of the figure of John Hyrcanus, here the story itself underwent this process and its original moral message was replaced by multiple halakhic implications. In both corpora, this dissension between brothers is seen as the leading cause of the downfall of the Hasmonean dynasty. This was in contradistinction to the political stance represented in the Dead Sea Scrolls, which interpreted the Roman occupation as proof of the sinfulness of the Hasmonean state from its very inception.


Author(s):  
Erik Steinskog

A musical imagining of the future and an exposition of a challenge to the normative historical discourse are the subjects of Erik Steinskog’s chapter on Afrofuturism. These topics are dealt with through a discussion of “blackness” and a theoretical discourse that addresses the musical style and polemical and political stance of afrofuturist musicians such as Sun Ra and others following in his path. Steinskog suggests that afrofuturist music is a form of sonic time travel that intertwines the modalities of time represented by notions of past, present, and future, his argument being that reimaginations, reinterpretations, and revisions of a normative past are represented in the technology and music of the black future.


Author(s):  
Andreas Arndt

AbstractAs a philosopher, Schleiermacher is still overshadowed by his influence as a theologian. The recent research project at the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities (Friedrich Schleiermacher in Berlin 1808-1834. Correspondence, appointment books, lectures) tries to correct this view by exploring Schleiermacher’s theoretical efforts in philosophy as well as in theology within the historical context and his personal networks in Berlin. The essay gives an overview of the materials to be edited in the research project and its aims, especially in specifying Schleiermacher’s political stance.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147821032110034
Author(s):  
Bruce Macfarlane

The popular image of activism in the university involves students and academics campaigning for social justice and resisting the neo-liberalisation of the university. Yet activism has been subtly corporatised through the migration of corporate social responsibility from the private sector into the university, a trend that may be illustrated by reference to the growing influence of research ‘grand challenges’ (GCs). Attracting both government and philanthro-capitalist funding, GCs adopt a socio-political stance based on justice globalism and represent a responsibilisation of academic research interests. Compliance with the rhetoric of GCs and the virtues of inter-disciplinarity have become an article of faith for academics compelled to meet the expectations of research-intensive universities in chasing the prestige and resources associated with large grant capture. The responsibilisation of the efforts of researchers, via GCs, erodes academic ownership of the research agenda and weakens the purpose of the university as an independent think tank: the essence of the Humboldtian ideal. The conceit of corporate activism is that in seeking to solve the world’s problems, the university will inevitably create new ones. Instead, as Flexner argued, it is only by preserving the independence and positive ‘irresponsibility’ of researchers that universities can best serve the world.


1997 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 482-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Jeffrey Tatum

To the extent that one subscribes to the proposition, by now a virtual principle of criticism (at least in some circles), that literary texts constitute sites for the negotiation, often vigorous, of power relations within a society, the reader of Catullus can hardly avoid some consideration of the poet's attitude toward contemporary political matters. It is a subject on which two principal lines of thought can be traced. Mommsen argued that Catullus responded to the enormities that followed the reinvigoration of the First Triumvirate at the conference of Luca in 56 by occupying a thoroughly optimate position. Wilamowitz, on the other hand, insisted that Catullus' lyrics reflect only moments of the author's individual experience, amongst which expressions of personal distaste for certain public figures naturally appear but nothing which can appropriately be taken as indications of a political stance. The approach of Wilamowitz has proved more influential, followed in spirit if not in specifics by numerous commentators. To the degree that Catullus has been assimilated to the Augustan elegists, whose poems have been deemed by a scholar of the stature of Veyne to be anti-political in nature, it has been all the easier to reject the idea that Catullus adopts a political position, an assessment strongly maintained in a recent study by Paul Allen Miller, for whom the rejection of all political engagement is the sine qua non of true lyric poetry. Mommsen's optimate Catullus has lately found his champion, however, in a careful article by H. P. Syndikus. Although Miller and Syndikus, like Wilamowitz and Mommsen, draw diametrically opposed conclusions concerning politics in Catullus' poetry, they are agreed nevertheless that politics can be regarded as a relatively straightforward term: it refers to statecraft, matters of government, and party strife. Other readers, however, have been more self-conscious in their theoretical concerns, a salutary consequence of which has been a shift by some to a less narrow conception of the field of reference appropriate to discussions of ‘the political’ in Latin literature.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giangiacomo Bravo ◽  
Mike Farjam

Surveys measures of environmental concern are know to only weakly predict self-reported environmental behaviour. In addition, self-reported and actual behaviour may not match in empirical settings. To better explore the relation among these variables and the political stance of participants, we ran an online experiment with 805 US residents. Four key variables – environmental concern, self -reported environmental behaviour, observed environmental behaviour (in the form of carbon compensation), and political attitudes – were measured and their interactions in promoting pro-environment behaviour were analysed. We found that self-reported measures hardly held any correlation with real behaviour and that political attitudes mainly predicted self-reported measures, not real environmental behaviour.


Plaridel ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-175
Author(s):  
Carlo Gabriel Pangilinan

The comprehensive objective of this paper is to critique and interrogate selected political documentaries created by individuals and film collectives from the time of incumbency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Benigno Aquino III, until the current “fascist” (Imbong, 2020) regime of Rodrigo Roa Duterte. In whole, the paper has three specific objectives. First, subtlety lay and give clarity to the impelling philosophy and political stance of documentaries deemed political in nature. Second, apply a class-based critique and re-examination, particularly on the level of an ideological analysis, to the following documentaries—Red Saga (Dalena, 2004), Sa Ngalan ng Tubo (Tudla Multimedia Network & EILER, 2005), Tundong Magiliw (Maranan, 2011), The Guerilla is a Poet (Dalena,K.&Dalena,S., 2013) and Yield (Tagaro & Uryu, 2017). Lastly, another goal of the paper is to be able to map out some propositions on how to fully extract the radical potential of political documentaries especially at this time of elusive justice and reason, while unrest, impunity, and fascism are intense


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 306-318
Author(s):  
Ian Birchall

Abstract Michel Onfray’s L’Ordre libertaire is a passionate defence of Camus as a philosopher, and an attempt to co-opt him as a representative of Onfray’s own Nietzschean, hedonistic, libertarian, atheist beliefs. But the account is far from successful. Onfray’s presentation is highly repetitive, and though he promises us a ‘careful reading’, in fact his work contains many errors and misrepresentations. His vituperative attacks on Marxism in general, and on Sartre in particular, are often based on serious inaccuracies. His attempt to defend Camus en bloc makes him frequently insensitive to the complexities and contradictions of Camus’s thought, and in particular of his political stance. The treatment of Camus’s views on the Algerian War in particular, and the role of violence in history in general, is equally unsatisfactory.


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