scholarly journals A Study on the relationship between the adverbial case marker ‘-esyeo’ and the predicate in the latter part of Middle Korean

2016 ◽  
Vol null (40) ◽  
pp. 279-313
Author(s):  
조재형 ◽  
최홍열
Author(s):  
James Hye Suk Yoon

The syntax of Korean is characterized by several signature properties. One signature property is head-finality. Word order variations and restrictions obey head-finality. Korean also possesses wh in-situ as well as internally headed relative clauses, as is typical of a head-final language. Another major signature property is dependent-marking. Korean has systematic case-marking on nominal dependents and very little, if any, head-marking. Case-marking and related issues, such as multiple case constructions, case alternations, case stacking, case-marker ellipsis, and case-marking on adjuncts, are front and center properties of Korean syntax as viewed from the dependent-marking perspective. Research on these aspects of Korean has contributed to the theoretical understanding of case and grammatical relations in linguistic theory. Korean is also characterized by agglutinative morphosyntax. Many issues in Korean syntax straddle the morphology-syntax boundary. Korean morphosyntax constitutes a fertile testing ground for ongoing debates about the relationship between morphology and syntax in domains such as coordination, deverbal nominalizations (mixed category constructions), copula, and other denominal constructions. Head-finality and agglutinative morphosyntax intersect in domains such as complex/serial verb and auxiliary verb constructions. Negation, which is a type of auxiliary verb construction, and the related phenomena of negative polarity licensing, offer important evidence for crosslinguistic understanding of these phenomena. Finally, there is an aspect of Korean syntax that reflects areal contact. Lexical and grammatical borrowing, topic prominence, pervasive occurrence of null arguments and ellipsis, as well as a complex system of anaphoric expressions, resulted from sustained contact with neighboring Sino-Tibetan languages.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 141-160
Author(s):  
Md Mostafa Rashel

In this article, I have used many examples to build up a concept about the relationship between Mro morphology and syntax, especially the different case markers to find out the relationship among them. During the research my goal was to provide a description of the constituent order; grammatical categories like tense; comparative marker -la'e (then), -leplep la'e (most); pronominal system (determiners used with first and second person but 3rd person is independent); demonstratives, adverbs, clause combination like conditional markers, reasons, time, motion; structures of question like y/n question, informal, exclamatory; case markers like noun, pronoun (relative), numeral relation to conjunction, suffix, clause/sentence level; grammatical relation (GR) as well as text analysis of Mro language. Key words: Morphosyntax, Language family, pronominal system, Case marker, grammatical relation, Mro.DOI: 10.3329/dujl.v2i3.4149 The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics: Vol.2 No.3 February, 2009 Page: 141-160


Diachronica ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikyung Ahn ◽  
Foong Ha Yap

This paper examines the development of five hearsay evidential markers in Korean, namely, tako, tamye, tamyense, tanun and tanta, and traces their extended pragmatic functions in discourse. We first identify their functions over time, from Middle Korean to Modern and Contemporary Korean, then quantitatively analyze the usage frequency of these functions, diachronically from the 16th century to the early 20th century using the UNICONC historical corpus, and synchronically in present-day Korean using the Sejong contemporary written and spoken corpus. From a pragmatic perspective, we examine how Korean speakers use these hearsay evidential markers to convey the interpersonal and intersubjective stances of interlocutors in natural conversations. Based on the differential rates of grammaticalization of these markers, and on their usage frequency, we also examine the relationship between evidentiality marking and finiteness; more specifically, we analyze the sequences and mechanisms of change whereby different types of non-finite evidential structures develop into finite evidential constructions. Our findings have broader theoretical and crosslinguistic implications for understanding the mechanisms of insubordination, whereby dependent structures become independent, and whereby lexically transparent constructions develop into grammaticalized markers of speakers’ stance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Heath

Abstract The relationship between the Songhay and Mande language families has fascinated West Africanists. The typological similarities run deep, but the respective lexicons are noncognate. I focus here on a typological rarity, a bidirectional case marker (BCM), namely Proto-Songhay *nà and its descendants, and argue that it was most likely borrowed from Mande as part of the adoption by Songhay of the equally typologically rare Mande-type S(‑infl)‑O‑V‑X syntax, which reduces to S‑O‑V‑X when there is no post-subject inflectional morpheme (predicative marker). Apparently Songhay had little choice but to borrow the morpheme on the grounds that it did not previously possess the S(‑infl)‑O‑V‑X construction of which it is a key component, especially since a buffer between S and O prevents real-time mis-parsing of two adjacent NPs as possessor-possessum. The medial (‘caught in the middle’) position of the morpheme in the S‑BCM‑O sequence favored the borrowing, in spite of its abstract relational function which in some theoretical models should block borrowing.


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