Sol Tax and Tribal Sovereignty

1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Lurie

Nancy Oestreich Lurie is curator emerita of anthropology, Milwaukee Public Museum (MPM). This article draws upon her first-hand knowledge of the American Indian scene including ongoing research with the Ho-Chunk Nation (formerly Winnebago) that began in 1944; lasting friendships made with Indian people across the country while serving as assistant coordinator to Sol Tax during the American Indian Chicago Conference; and association as an action anthropologist in the founding of the Wisconsin Winnebago government under the Indian Reorganization Act, the Menominee's drive to repeal their termination, and the establishment of the Milwaukee Indian Community School and the Potawatomi Bingo-Casino enterprise in Milwaukee. Her work as an expert witness in cases before the U.S. Indian Claims Commission and federal and state courts familiarized her with the history and effects of federal Indian policy. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1998 meeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology, where the results of discussion enriched and helped to clarify the present version. In addition to published sources cited, this account rests in large part on personal recollections, particularly of the American Indian Chicago Conference, and on the Indian affairs file of newspaper clippings and tribal and intertribal newspapers maintained since 1972 in the Anthropology Department at the Milwaukee Public Museum.

1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary D. Sandefur

This article examines interstate migration and labor force participation among White, American Indian and intermarried Indian/White couples. The results show that endogamous American Indian couples are much less likely to change states of residence than are the other two groups of couples. The effect of interstate migration on labor force participation does not vary across the three groups of couples. The implications of these results for the assimilation and internal colonial models of race relations and for federal Indian policy are discussed.


1990 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 2-16
Author(s):  
Omer Stewart

Dr. Stewart served as discussant for the Santa Fe paper session "Working On, Working For, and Working With American Indians" from which this special issue of PA is drawn. His most visible applied anthropology role has been as expert witness. He reports that between 1950 and 1983 he testified in numerous Indian Claims cases on behalf of the Chippewa, Shoshone, Ute, Southern Paiute, Northern Paiute, Klamath, Washo, Gosiute, and Indians of California, helping these groups receive awards from the Indian Claims Commission in excess of $200 million. Most recently, he was involved in the San Juan Southern Paiute effort to obtain federal acknowledgement as a tribe. However, Dr. Stewart is best known for his testimony on behalf of members of the Native American Church who have sued state courts for the legal right to practice the peyote religion openly. His work in this area has spanned the thirty years from 1960 through the present. Dr. Stewart discussed the origins of anthropological concern with the peyote religion and his own role in defending its practice in his 1983 Malinowski Award address at the SfAA meetings in San Diego, CA. The following are excerpts from the full text of that address, reprinted with permission from Human Organization 42(3), Fall 1983, pp. 189-194.


2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwanna Robertson

This study examines the emergence and application of what I conceptualize as an American Indian Legal Identity (AILI). AILI is an individual identity created by structural forces. Most importantly, a person can have an AILI without having either racial identity or ethnic identity. It stands on its own as proof of Indianness even though it was created in the discourse of federal Indian policy. The tribal reification of this federally defined authenticity birthed a racialized collective Indian identity. Furthermore, it has resulted in the internalized racialization of Native identity. AILI relies upon the verification of a degree of Indian blood as documented in the form of a Certificate of Degree of Indian Blood (CDIB) card issued by the US Department of the Interior and through membership within a federally recognized tribe. By focusing on historical social construction of AILI and its current implications within Native populations about who qualifies to be Indian, I analyze semi-structured, in-depth interviews of thirty Native American participants, all of whom ethnically identify as indigenous but only half of whom possess a legal identity. I find participants frame and rationalize AILI's existence by justifying that it is needed to preserve tribal sovereignty.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Boyd Cothran

Abstract This article considers the event of a single year, 1873, to explain how President Ulysses S. Grant’s federal Indian policy led to the Indian wars of the late nineteenth century. Some historians have argued that Grant’s so-called Peace Policy failed due to systemic mismanagement and corruption; others have suggested it was due to administrative incompetence or ambivalence, while still others have accused the administration of cynicism in its approach to Indigenous affairs. This article argues that the Peace Policy reflected the unresolved tensions inherent in the era’s zeitgeist and that it failed to usher in a lasting peace because it did not account for the enmeshed reality of life in the American West where the boundaries and borders between Indian reservations and settler communities were entangled to say the least. The article begins with a detailed consideration of the Grant administration’s Indian policy as articulated by Francis Amasa Walker in the winter of 1872–73. Largely overlooked by historians of post–Civil War Indian policy, Walker was an influential thinker in his day whose policy recommendations emphasized the moral necessity of proprietary individualism and racial segregation on isolated reservations. The article then turns to the unfolding drama of the Modoc War (1872–73) to explore why the federal government abandoned the project of peacefully incorporating Indigenous people into the body politic, leading to a harsher and more militant approach to Indian affairs. By focusing on the nexus of ideas and events as they played out at this critical historical juncture, this article argues that the Modoc War was the precipitating event that marked the end of Grant’s so-called Peace Policy and the resumption of the Indian wars in the decades following the Civil War.


1979 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 160
Author(s):  
Wilcomb E. Washburn ◽  
Francis Paul Prucha

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