scholarly journals Building Bridges or Building Walls? Explaining Regionalization Among Transnational Social Movement Organizations

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jackie Smith

Before the mid-1980s, most transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) organized across the North-South divide. However, since the mid-1980s data show that more TSMOs are organized exclusively within either the global North or South. To explain this pattern, I analyze ties between regionally organized TSMOs and other nongovernmental organizations. Groups in the global South were more likely than their Northern counterparts to maintain cross-regional ties. At the same time, Northern groups were significantly more likely to report only regional ties. Environmental and women's organizations were the most likely to maintain only regional ties while economic justice and human rights organizations were the most likely to report cross-regional ties. These findings suggest that the regionalization of TSMOs is best explained as a response to the institutional environment rather than a consequence of intramovement conflict and polarization.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-427
Author(s):  
Paula Fernandez-Wulff ◽  
Christopher Yap

Abstract Social movement organizations are increasingly developing human rights strategies at the municipal level, particularly in European urban contexts. Yet critical scholarly work on human rights has overlooked two related realities: non-state-centric, social movement use of the tools and discourses of rights, and the strategic participation of citizen groups in municipal urban policy spaces. This article builds on critical human rights theory through the experiences of three grassroots organizations claiming and exercising social rights in urban policy spaces of Barcelona, Valladolid, and London. It engages with a number of scholarly critiques of the state and human rights, particularly focusing on those critiques that question their compatibility with autonomy, democracy, and self-government at the local level. While the value of such critical literature is undeniable, we show how urban grassroots practices and experiences with social rights-based strategies in the context of housing, water, and participation can circumvent some of these critiques on the ground, pointing at new avenues for critical legal research when infused with other critical discourses, including urban politics.


Author(s):  
Juan D. De Lara

Chapter 6 provides an overview and critical analysis of the Warehouse Workers United organizing campaign to show how labor and immigrant social-movement organizations crafted spatial narratives that connected global logistics to regional struggles for racial and economic justice. The ensuing struggle over port development illustrates the important role that competing cognitive mappings can play in actively shaping how space is contested, defined, and produced. Logistics and warehouse work give us a chance to see how workers challenged the dehumanizing nature of capitalist space by producing regional counter-narratives. These counter-narratives illustrate one way that social movements organize against hegemonic development norms. Struggles over the production of space often involve multiple spatial layers. Recounting everyday moments and learning to frame them within an economy of power was a key part of the organizing process. These alternative mappings challenged the dehumanizing relationships of warehouse work, because they created spaces for workers to imagine that another world was possible.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Hallee Caron

As states in the global North have adapted to the changing nature of irregular immigration through the adoption of legal instruments such as readmission agreements, academics in international relations (IR) and international law as well as human rights organizations have responded by critiquing failed attempts at refugee protection, putting forward their own frameworks, and documenting human rights violations and/or breaches of international law. Drawing upon Jennifer Hyndman and Alison Mountz's argument that current policies contribute to the externalization of asylum as well as Alexander Betts's work on cross-persuasion, this paper argues that readmission agreements with 'safe third country' clauses are inherently problematic in terms of refugee protection. Specifically, it examines the 1992 Readmission Agreement between Spain and Morocco as a way to investigate how these agreements work in practice as well as an illustration of how the North-South impasse (identified by Betts) is reified in international law. Focusing on readmission agreements with safe third country clauses and supplementing academic research on treaty interpretation and international law with analysis by policy experts and reports from human rights organizations, the analysis considers the consequences of third- party readmission agreements with regards to international cooperation on refugee protection.


2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 1087-1114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen R Rodgers

Abstract: This paper explores the dilemmas that social movement organizations face as they seek to conform to institutional norms in order to expand their media influence. In particular, I examine the similarity of strategic decision-making of two key organizations in the Human Rights Movement. The analysis shows how isomorphism occurred as both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch adapted their advocacy efforts and employee job descriptions to the tastes, routines and information demands of the global media. However, I also demonstrate that such pathways are disrupted as organizational values act to mediate the influence of isomorphism on the internal dynamics of organizations. The article also contributes to the growing literature on human rights activism and global social movements more generally.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110265
Author(s):  
Jörg Haßler ◽  
Anna-Katharina Wurst ◽  
Marc Jungblut ◽  
Katharina Schlosser

Social movement organizations (SMOs) increasingly rely on Twitter to create new and viral communication spaces alongside newsworthy protest events and communicate their grievance directly to the public. When the COVID-19 pandemic impeded street protests in spring 2020, SMOs had to adapt their strategies to online-only formats. We analyze the German-language Twitter communication of the climate movement Fridays for Future (FFF) before and during the lockdown to explain how SMOs adapted their strategy under online-only conditions. We collected (re-)tweets containing the hashtag #fridaysforfuture ( N = 46,881 tweets, N = 225,562 retweets) and analyzed Twitter activity, use of hashtags, and predominant topics. Results show that although the number of tweets was already steadily declining before, it sharply dropped during the lockdown. Moreover, the use of hashtags changed substantially and tweets focused increasingly on thematic discourses and debates around the legitimacy of FFF, while tweets about protests and calls for mobilization decreased.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Kate Hunt

How do social movement organizations involved in abortion debates leverage a global crisis to pursue their goals? In recent months there has been media coverage of how anti-abortion actors in the United States attempted to use the COVID-19 pandemic to restrict access to abortion by classifying abortion as a non-essential medical procedure. Was the crisis “exploited” by social movement organizations (SMOs) in other countries? I bring together Crisis Exploitation Theory and the concept of discursive opportunity structures to test whether social movement organizations exploit crisis in ways similar to elites, with those seeking change being more likely to capitalize on the opportunities provided by the crisis. Because Twitter tends to be on the frontlines of political debate—especially during a pandemic—a dataset is compiled of over 12,000 Tweets from the accounts of SMOs involved in abortion debates across four countries to analyze the patterns in how they responded to the pandemic. The results suggest that crisis may disrupt expectations about SMO behavior and that anti- and pro-abortion rights organizations at times framed the crisis as both a “threat” and as an “opportunity.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document