A Study on the Change of Foreign Policy of Yugoslavia during the Korean War

2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Kim Chul-Min
1981 ◽  
Vol 85 ◽  
pp. 80-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Briggs

Perhaps no other foreign policy area brought forth the emotional anti communism characteristic of the 1950s as did American relations with the People's Republic of China. The so–called “ loss of China ”issue beginning in 1949, for which the Republicans primarily blamed the Democrats, severely strained the bipartisan approach towards foreign policy. In addition, four years before he died in 1951, Republican foreign policy leader Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg excluded China policy from the area of bipartisan agreement, while his party's loyalty to the defeated Nationalists remained strong. Senator Joseph McCarthy's“communists–in– government” charges during the Korean War, when American forces were engaged in combat with the People's Liberation Army, further exacerbated relations between the Republican and Democratic parties, and between the legislative and executive branches of government. Ominously, the possibility of a preventive strike on the China mainland also became the focus of serious consideration and possible implementation during the Formosa Strait confrontation of 1954–55.


2019 ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Michael Nacht ◽  
Patricia Schuster ◽  
Eva C. Uribe

This chapter assesses the role of cross-domain deterrence in recent American foreign policy. Cross-domain deterrence is not a new phenomenon, even if our consciousness of it may be. Prominent cases from the Cold War, such as the Korean War and the Cuban Missile Crisis, can be interpreted through the lens of cross-domain deterrence and fruitfully compared with more contemporary cases, such as the Stuxnet attack on Iran. These cases illustrate the variation across domains by the adversary and U.S. responses. Considered together, the United States generally responded to these crises by initially limiting itself to the domain where a crisis started and only later expanding into other domains. The United States has typically been cautious when shifting domains and has tried to escalate in ways that would not produce adversarial retaliation.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Nojeim

2021 ◽  
pp. 64-81
Author(s):  
Peter Martin

After the end of the Korean War, China sent its diplomats out on a charm offensive to win over global opinion, including sending delegations to the Geneva and Bandung Conferences, where its performance won plaudits in the West and across the developing world. During this period, China also deployed distinctively communist techniques in its diplomacy, including the use of “united front” tactics to charm influential social groups in countries where China didn’t yet have formal diplomatic ties. Many of the tools Chinese diplomats practiced during the 1950s are taking on renewed prominence in its foreign policy today as China seeks to increase its influence around the world.


Author(s):  
Philipp Gassert

This chapter examines the internal challenges or oppositional movements to the Cold War in both the East and West. It suggests that the challenges to the Cold War paradigm can be divided into societal challenges such as the anti-Vietnam protests and the 1956 Hungarian uprising and government-led oppositions to the Cold War order as part of domestic foreign policy. The chapter analyzes five core periods of the Cold War including the Korean War, the 1954 hydrogen bomb testing on Bikini Atoll, and the 1962 Cuban missile crisis. The analysis reveals that the Cold War order was almost never unchallenged from 1947 to 1990.


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