Chasing Respectability

2021 ◽  
pp. 64-81
Author(s):  
Peter Martin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Developing World ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
United Front ◽  
The 1950S

After the end of the Korean War, China sent its diplomats out on a charm offensive to win over global opinion, including sending delegations to the Geneva and Bandung Conferences, where its performance won plaudits in the West and across the developing world. During this period, China also deployed distinctively communist techniques in its diplomacy, including the use of “united front” tactics to charm influential social groups in countries where China didn’t yet have formal diplomatic ties. Many of the tools Chinese diplomats practiced during the 1950s are taking on renewed prominence in its foreign policy today as China seeks to increase its influence around the world.

scholarly journals The Sino-Russian Relationship: Fellow Travellers in the West-dominated World

2018 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 1197-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Kaczmarski
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Developing World ◽  
Grand Strategy ◽  
The West ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Dividing Line

A decade ago, Beijing's relations with Moscow were of marginal interest to China scholars. Topics such as growing Sino-American interdependence-cum-rivalry, engagement with East Asia or relations with the developing world overshadowed China's relationship with its northern neighbour. Scholars preoccupied with Russia's foreign policy did not pay much attention either, regarding the Kremlin's policy towards China as part and parcel of Russia's grand strategy directed towards the West. The main dividing line among those few who took a closer look ran between sceptics and alarmists. The former interpreted the post-Cold War rapprochement as superficial and envisioned an imminent clash of interests between the two states. The latter, a minority, saw the prospect of an anti-Western alliance.

Congress and the Cold War: U.S.-China Policy, 1955

1981 ◽  
Vol 85 ◽  
pp. 80-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Briggs
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Policy Area ◽  
China Policy ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
China Mainland ◽  
The Cold War

Perhaps no other foreign policy area brought forth the emotional anti communism characteristic of the 1950s as did American relations with the People's Republic of China. The so–called “ loss of China ”issue beginning in 1949, for which the Republicans primarily blamed the Democrats, severely strained the bipartisan approach towards foreign policy. In addition, four years before he died in 1951, Republican foreign policy leader Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg excluded China policy from the area of bipartisan agreement, while his party's loyalty to the defeated Nationalists remained strong. Senator Joseph McCarthy's“communists–in– government” charges during the Korean War, when American forces were engaged in combat with the People's Liberation Army, further exacerbated relations between the Republican and Democratic parties, and between the legislative and executive branches of government. Ominously, the possibility of a preventive strike on the China mainland also became the focus of serious consideration and possible implementation during the Formosa Strait confrontation of 1954–55.

In Defense of Japan

Worldview ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-12
Author(s):  
Robert W. Barnett
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
National Security ◽  
Developing World ◽  
Collective Security ◽  
The West ◽  
The World

Threats to the security of Japan and the world are manifold, but for Japan the "enemy" is war.For thirty years a United States bearing global strategic responsibility and a Japan committed to "no war/no collective security" have, despite apparent differences and frequent setbacks, collaborated so successfully that East Asia has become the growth miracle of the developing world. During these years the backdrop for Japan's strategic calculations—and its hesitations—has been its concept of "Comprehensive National Security." It is important, then, for us in the West to understand just what this concept means.

The Early Christian bema churches of Syria revisited

Antiquity ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 75 (289) ◽  
pp. 509-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Loosley
Keyword(s):  
Late Antique ◽  
Architectural Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Early Christian ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
East End ◽  
The Many

The Limestone Massif of northwest Syria has the largest concentration of late antique churches in the world. All date from between the second half of the 4th century and the first decade of the 7th century and are remarkably consistent in their conformity to a recognizably ‘Syrian’ architectural style. Almost without exception they are apsed basilicas varying only in terms of size and the quality of decoration.This region was extensively surveyed in the 1950s by Georges Tchalenko, whose monumental three-volume study Villages antiques de la Syrie du nord remains the definitive work on the area. Of the many ecclesiastical buildings included in this survey Tchalenko identified a group of approximately 45 churches possessing a bema. The bema is a horseshoe-shaped structure in the nave that mirrors the curve of the apse. Entered via steps at the east end, it provided benches for the clergy and a pulpit at the west end that was used for scriptural expositions and homilies.

Argentina: Deepening Alignment with the West

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Russell ◽  
Laura Zuvanic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The West ◽  
Center Stage ◽  
Political Relationship ◽  
The World

In July 1989, as Carlos Menem awaited his inauguration as president, Argentina was experiencing a situation very different from that of the early days of the Alfonsín administration. Much water had passed over the dam since the transition. The crunch of economic crisis — and the failure of the Radical administration to overcome it even minimally — had brought economic questions to center stage and relegated political claims to second place. In this setting, Argentina's new foreignpolicymakers put aside the practice, set by their predecessors, of standing on principle. From the beginning, their rhetoric emphasized three keywords realism, pragmatism, and “normality,” — as the basis of a policy which focused on the economy (Argentina, 1989a: 1).According to Domingo Cavallo:The national interest, in the kind of historical circumstances now prevailing, is most dramatically manifest by economic and social demands. Thus, foreign policy will be realistic and seek to create a better political relationship with the friendly countries of the world in order to resolve Argentina's urgent economic and social problems (Argentina, 1989b: 2)

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