scholarly journals Druga wojna światowa a pozycja ustrojowa europejskich monarchów

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 251
Author(s):  
Maciej Rakowski
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
World War ◽  
Royal Authority ◽  
Fascist Regime ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Second World

<p>The Second World War brought significant political changes to European monarchies. Immediately after the war, six kingdoms ceased to exist and became republics. This concerned Eastern European countries in the Soviet sphere of influence, as well as Italy, where Victor Emmanuel III had to pay for years of cooperation with the fascist regime. Before the outbreak of the war, at least three European monarchies had considerable power, holding the most important prerogatives in their hands: this was the case in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania. Such a political model failed to survive the war, as after 1945 the kings and princes of the Old Continent only “reigned, but did not rule” (only Louis II, Prince of Monaco kept a stronger position until the end of the 1950s). It used to happen during the war that in countries with an established parliamentary system the monarch played a greater role than during the years of peace (the most prominent example being Wilhelmina, the Queen of the Netherlands). The article also presents other issues important to the royal authority – the functioning of monarchs in exile, the threat to their lives, the exercise of sovereignty (usually only in a ceremonial capacity) over the armed forces, and abdications forced by the circumstances.</p>

Non-Market Economies' Accessions to the WTO: Evolution of the Approach and Implications for the Organization

2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-81
Author(s):  
Chieh Huang
Keyword(s):  
Free Market ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
World War ◽  
Market Economies ◽  
Market Structures ◽  
Multilateral Trade ◽  
Rules And Principles ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Second World

AbstractThe General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the Word Trade Organization (WTO), have been the main forum of international trade since the end of the Second World War. The regime is unquestionably based on free-market rules and principles. Yet in the last two decades, formerly planned economies — including Eastern European countries, former Soviet countries and China — have attempted to join the GATT/WTO. To encourage their transition under the influence of free-market principles, and to be a truly global trade organization, the GATT/WTO has accepted applicants with a reforming planned economy. This article studies the evolution of the GATT/WTO's approaches to integrate non-market economies and shows that the approach to integrate non-market economies during the WTO era is significantly different than during the GATT. While special mechanisms were provided in GATT accession protocols to bridge different market structures, WTO accessions require non-market economies to convert their own market structures. This article holds that this intolerance of different market structures in the WTO reflects the collapse of embedded liberalism and the rise of coercive trade diplomacy. Multilateral trade diplomacy has therefore become a means of imposing a domestic restructuring of economic structures rather than providing a negotiation forum for trade liberalization.

scholarly journals Accusing Russia of Fascism

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 100-123
Author(s):  
Marlene Laruelle
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Second World ◽  
With Memory

With memory wars between Central and Eastern European states and Russia, the Second World War has become a useable past instrumentalized as a currency for legitimacy on the international scene. These memory wars focus on who was fascist and who colluded with Nazism—the Soviet Union between 1939 and 1941 or the collaborationist forces in Central and Eastern Europe? And, subsequently, who are the new fascists advancing a revisionist interpretation of the Second World War today: Putin’s Russia or Central and Eastern European countries? What is at stake here is the recognition of Russia as having a legitimate say in European affairs because of the Soviet victory, or its exclusion for refusing to repent of its role in dividing Europe and occupying a part thereof. This article debunks the accusation of fascism attributed to Putin’s regime and offers to look at the label of fascism as a mirror game between the West and Russia in defining what Europe should be like and Russia’s inclusion or exclusion.

International Memory Wars

2021 ◽  
pp. 62-83
Author(s):  
Marlene Laruelle
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World

This chapter argues that the perception of Russia as an antifascist power has been reinforced by memory wars that have reshaped the relationship between Russia and its Central and Eastern European neighbors. It examines how the emergence and gradual visibility gained by the narrative of the Soviet Union as an occupier with a totalitarian ideology shocked the Russian elite and public opinion. Given the context of memory wars, the chapter focuses on the issue of defining who was fascist and who colluded with Nazism — the Soviet Union between 1939 and 1941 or the collaborationist forces in Central and Eastern Europe. This chapter then presents Russia's response to the new memories articulated by Central and Eastern European countries on two fronts: legal and historiographical. Ultimately, the chapter highlights how the Ukrainian crisis demonstrated that memories have been instrumental in “real” wars, as all parties claim that their martyrdom and heroism during the Second World War entitle them to some recognition today.

Arcybiskup generał brygady Sawa (Sowietow) 1898–1951: duszpasterz, żołnierz, obywatel

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy Grzybowski
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
First World War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Religious Service ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Chaplain ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World

The books presents the life of archbishop brygadier general Sawa (Sowietow). The author explores its successive stages: young years during the First World War, priesthood in the Second Polish Republic, wanderings during the Second World War, service in Polish Armed Forces in the West (as the chief military chaplain of the Orthodox Church), and religious service among Polish citizens abroad after the Yalta Conference.

Parleying with the Devil

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaj Trifković ◽  
Klaus Schmider
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Devil ◽  
Second World

The Second World War in Yugoslavia is notorious for the brutal struggle between the armed forces of the Third Reich and the communist-led Partisans. Less known is the fact that the two sides negotiated prisoner exchanges virtually since the beginning of the war. Under extraordinary circumstances, these early contacts evolved into a formal exchange agreement, centered on the creation of a neutral zone—quite possibly the only such area in occupied Europe—where prisoners were regularly exchanged until late April 1945, saving thousands of lives. The leadership of both sides used the contacts for secret political talks, for which they were nearly branded as traitors by their superiors in Berlin and Moscow. This book is the first comprehensive analysis of prisoner exchanges and the accompanying contacts between the German occupation authorities and the Yugoslav Partisans. Specifically, the book will argue that prisoner exchange had a decisive influence on the POW policies of both sides and helped reduce the levels of violence for which this theater of war became infamous. It will also show that the contacts, contrary to some claims, did not lead to collusion between these two parties against either other Yugoslav factions or the Western Allies.

Bletchley Park’s Sturgeon—The Fish That Laid No Eggs

Colossus ◽  
2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frode Weierud
Keyword(s):  
Opposite Effect ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
German Armed Forces ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Engineering Problems ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The One ◽  
Second World

This chapter describes the Siemens & Halske T52 cipher machines and explains how Bletchley Park broke them. (See photograph 51.) Many authors have confused the T52 with the Tunny machine, and have erroneously linked the T52 to Colossus. The German armed forces employed three different types of teleprinter cipher machines during the Second World War: the Lorenz SZ40/42a/42b (Tunny), the Siemens & Halske Schlüs-selfernschreibmaschine (SFM—Cipher Teleprinter Machine) T52, and the one-time-tape machine T43, also manufactured by Siemens. The Siemens T52 existed in four functionally distinct models: T52a/b, T52c, T52d, and T52e (there was also the T52ca, a modified version of the T52c). At Bletchley Park all T52 models went under the code name ‘Sturgeon’. The Siemens T43 was probably the unbreakable machine that BP called ‘Thrasher’. (This came into use relatively late in the war, and appears to have been used only on a few selected links.) In 1964 Erik Boheman, the Swedish Under-Secretary of State, first revealed that Sweden had broken the T52 during the Second World War. The Swedish successes against the T52 are the topic of Chapter 26. It was only in 1984 that the British officially acknowledged that Bletchley Park had also enjoyed some success against the T52. Not only did BP intercept traffic enciphered on the T52; it also broke all the different models that it discovered. It was clear from the beginning that the T52 was a very difficult machine to break. Probably it would have remained unbroken had it not been for German security blunders in using the machines. The blame should not be put entirely on the German teleprinter operators, however: the designers of the machines at Siemens, who failed to listen to the advice of the German cryptographic experts, were also responsible. The Siemens engineers seem to have focused more on the engineering problems than on the cryptographic security of the machine. The T52a/b and the original T52c were machines with quite limited security. The T52c is an extraordinary example of how not to go about designing a cryptographic machine. The wheel-combining logic, which was meant to strengthen the machine, had exactly the opposite effect—it eased the task of breaking the machine.

scholarly journals From Pariahs to Patriots: Canadian Communists and the Second World War

2008 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Frazer
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Royal Canadian Mounted Police ◽  
Mackenzie King ◽  
Communist Party Of Canada ◽  
Second World

Official anti-communist policies, adopted by the Mackenzie King government during the Second World War, were only partially effective. These policies were implemented by the RCMP (Royal Canadian Mounted Police) and the armed forces high command, and included internment, banning the Communist Party of Canada (cpc), and monitoring communists in the armed forces. These policies, however, were thwarted by the logic of the war, as well as by opposition from liberal public opinion and the communists themselves.

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