scholarly journals Preventing The Illegal Trade of Smuggling Small Arms And Light Weapons (SALW) through UNPoA in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 336
Author(s):  
Ni Gusti Agung Ayu Mas Triwulandari ◽  
Putu Eva Ditayani Antari

<em>Action is needed to combat the illegal trade of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) because transnational crime is not easy to commit. However, internal conflicts make Indonesia more vulnerable to firearms smuggling, considering its geographical conditions and weak supervision at the border. Consequently, the government cooperates with neighboring countries to maintain national integrity and safety. Also, the government is active in the international regime to deal with illegal trade of SALW through the United Nations Program of Action. This study is legal research by incorporating primary, secondary, and tertiary data. The results showed that Indonesia's position in the United Nations Program of Action helps prevent firearms smuggling and increase capacity-building assistance.Furthermore, the government collaborates with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and amends and revises Law Number 8 of 1948 concerning Registration and Granting of Permits for the use of Firearms to prevent illegal trade of SALW. In the regional scope, similar collaboration is also conducted with Southeast countries. This is supported by implementing the PoA to Combat Transnational Crime by holding the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Transnational Crime (AMMTC). In the international scope, the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Crime and its three protocols were introduced to eradicate the illegal trade of SAWL.</em>

Author(s):  
Casey-Maslen Stuart ◽  
Clapham Andrew ◽  
Giacca Gilles ◽  
Parker Sarah

This chapter discusses Article 2 of the ATT. The article delineates the scope of the ATT, identifying the categories of conventional arms and types of activities that are formally subject to its provisions while specifying certain acts excluded from the treaty’s purview. Paragraph 1 describes the categories of arms to which the provisions of the treaty apply. It is not an exhaustive list, however, as Articles 3 and 4 identify two other categories—ammunition/munitions and parts and components—that are subject to some of the treaty’s provisions. The arms covered in sub-paragraphs (a) to (g) of paragraph 1 (i.e. battle tanks, armoured combat vehicles, large-calibre artillery systems, combat aircraft, attack helicopters, warships, missiles and missile launchers) were derived from the seven categories used in the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms (UNROCA) while an eighth category, small arms and light weapons, was added to the list in the ATT.


Polar Record ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naohiro Nakamura

ABSTRACTThis commentary reviews Maruyama's article ‘Japan's post-war Ainu policy: why the Japanese Government has not recognised Ainu indigenous rights?’ (Maruyama 2013a), published in this journal. Maruyama criticises the government for its reluctance to enact a new Ainu law to guarantee indigenous rights, even after Japan's ratification of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). However, in actuality, the government is searching for the foundation of new Ainu policies in the existing legal frameworks and trying to guarantee some elements of indigenous rights. Japan's case suggests the possibility of realising indigenous rights without the enactment of a specific law.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Vucetic ◽  
Bojan Ramadanovic

All Canadian governments say that Canada must look to its “friends and allies” and “like-minded partners” to achieve greater cooperation on global issues. But who are these countries exactly? To gain a better understanding of where Ottawa stands in the world, with whom, and under what conditions, we analyze Canada’s voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly from 1980 to 2017. We find that Canada’s overall record tends towards that of Western European states. We find no evidence of greater affinity with US positions either when the Democrats are in power in Washington or when the conservative parties reign in power in Ottawa. We identify a sharp pro-US turn in the Harper years, and also confirm that the government of Justin Trudeau started off by maintaining rather than reversing this trend.


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