scholarly journals Security Sector Reform in Kosovo: From institutional transitions to the democratic consolidation

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Bekim Baliqi

This article explores the relationship between Security Sector Reform (SSR) and institutional transition in post-conflict countries, drawing on a case study of Kosovo. The study focuses on the institution-building of core security institutions and the role of international community in Sector Security Reform in Kosovo, reviewing the ways in which security, the rule of law and political context have been intertwined. The article first outlines the context of the international mission in Kosovo, in particular transformation of Kosovo Liberation Army through Demilitarization, Demobilization and Reintegration before proceeding to consider how the objectives, needs and constraints of international and local actors have influenced the reform of the security institutions and the security in general. Then, article explores the establishment of Kosovo Police Service and the reform process of this and other relevant security institution. In the first line, article will discusses concepts of SSR and overview an overall process of democratic transition with a main focus on security sector. After the presentation of a brief development of the SSR in Kosovo since the end of war with focus on the role of international community, article will be completed by the main findings and conclusions of this research

Temida ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Zorica Mrsevic ◽  
Svetlana Jankovic

The paper presents the existence of a conflict between local ownership and the introduction of gender equality in situations of post-conflict peace-building under the control of international actors, mostly UN peacekeeping forces. The authors present the essential meanings of the term ?local ownership? and understanding of its importance for the success of peacekeeping missions and reforms of the security sector in post-conflict societies in achieveing lasting peace. Local civil or military leaders can actually consider that gender equality is not needed in their culture, and that the participation of women in the security sector is not socio-culturally acceptable. That is why various international actors may be reluctant to advocate for gender equality, considering it as an imposition of foreign cultural values that could potentially destabilize the security sector reform process. The paper presents examples of Sahel region, South Sudan, South Africa, East Timor and Sri Lanka, ilustrating that women and men have different experiences of conflict, and that women in conflict and post-conflict situations are especially vulnerable to sexual and other forms of gender-based violence. Therefore, women?s active participation in peace-building and ending violence and conflicts is essential for peace, security and general cessation of further victimization of women. Supporting the existing power relations characterized by structural gender inequality and violence diminish the value of security sector reform. Moreover, the process of peace-building is destabilized by maintaining permanent sources of victimization of women, discrimination and easy outbreak of armed conflict. This might result in the poorly reformed security sector, which only fits the needs of male local dominant groups and protects their interests, leaving majority of women still in a situation of high risk from various forms of victimization.


Author(s):  
Antoine Vandemoorteele

This article analyzes the role of the European Union (EU) and Canada in the promotion of Security Sector Reforms (SSR) activities in two regional organizations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The concept of SSR seeks to address the effective governance of security in post-conflict environment by transforming the security institutions within a country in order for them to have more efficient, legitimate and democratic role in implementing security. Recent debates within the EU have led to the adoption of an SSR concept from the Council and a new strategy from the European Commission on the SSR activities. Within the framework of the ESDP, the EU has positioned itself as a leading actor, in this domain, including in its crisis management operations. On the other hand, Canada, through its whole-of government and human security programs has also been an important actor in the promotion of SSR activities. Yet, even though several international organizations (including the United Nations, the OSCE and NATO) are effectively doing SSR activities on the ground, there does not exist a common framework within any of these organizations despite the role of the EU and Canada. As such, it is surprising to found no global common policy for SSR while this approach is precisely holistic in its foundations. Taking these elements into consideration, this paper analyzes two specific aspects : a) the absence of a common policy framework within international organizations and b) the major differences between the approaches of the OSCE and NATO in the domain of SSR and the implications for the EU and Canada’ roles.   Full extt available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.186


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272110130
Author(s):  
Robert A. Blair ◽  
Benjamin S. Morse

How does violence during civil war shape citizens’ willingness to trust and rely on state security providers in the post-conflict period? Can post-conflict security sector reform restore perceptions of state security forces among victims of wartime state predation? Using a survey and field experiment in Liberia, we show that rebel-perpetrated violence is strongly positively correlated with trust and reliance on the police after conflict is over, while state-perpetrated violence is not. Victims of wartime state predation are, however, more likely to update their priors about the police in response to positive interactions with newly reformed police officers. We also show that abuses committed by police officers in the post-conflict period are negatively correlated with citizens’ perceptions of the police, potentially counteracting the positive effects of security sector reform. We corroborate our quantitative findings with detailed qualitative observations of interactions between civilians and police officers in the field.


2011 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lewis

AbstractSecurity sector reform — including police reform — has been an important element in international programmes in many post-conflict and so-called 'fragile' states. In Central Asian states — mostly ruled by authoritarian regimes — the OSCE has been engaged in a variety of programmes to help reform the police, which have often been accused of abuses of human rights. There has been a significant police assistance programme in Kyrgyzstan, and smaller initiatives and activities have been implemented in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. Most of these initiatives have failed to achieve their objectives; in certain cases they may have had a negative impact on the OSCE's credibility in the region as an organization that promotes a comprehensive view of security, including attention to human rights and civil liberties. The article suggests that external assistance to the security sector in authoritarian political systems poses particularly difficult challenges, if there is no parallel process of political democratisation. In addition, a complex relationship between state security forces and organised crime poses additional challenges to police reform programmes. The article suggests that the OSCE might usefully review its policies to improve its effectiveness in this area and to ensure that its approach remains consistent with its basic principles.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document