Towards an Arab Union: The League of Arab States

1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Majid Khadduri

“The Arab World,” said Mr. Anthony Eden, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in his speech at the Mansion House, May 29, 1941, “has made great strides since the settlement reached at the end of the last war, and many Arab thinkers desire for the Arab peoples a greater degree of unity than they now enjoy. In reaching out towards this unity, they hope for our support. No such appeal from our friends should go unanswered. It seems to me both natural and right that the cultural and economic ties, too, should be strengthened. His Majesty's Government for their part will give their full support to any scheme that commands general approval.”The Arab nationalists long ago aspired to achieve the ideal of an Arab union, or federation. But, they maintained, European imperialism had deliberately prevented the realization of that ideal. The Arabs had. fought on the side of the Allies in the first World War in order to achieve their freedom from Ottoman rule; but, following that war, the Arab World was detached from Turkish sovereignty only to be dominated by European Powers who, by applying the principle of mandatory tutelage, sought to satisfy their imperialistic interests. Moreover, the nationalists contended, the Arab World was deliberately divided into separate countries in order to make easy their domination by creating small and hopelessly weak states.

2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saad Omar Khan

This paper examines British approaches to the caliphate from the beginning of the First World War to the aftermath of its dissolution in 1924. Background will be given as to how the Islamic conception of the caliphate shifted over time. British use of the caliphate as a political tool in the nineteenth century is also examined, especially with regards to how strong British-Ottoman ties prior to the First World War affected India’s Muslims. The primary focus, however, will be on British ties with King Hussein of the Hejaz. British suggestions of an Arab caliphate encouraged the idea that Hussein should assume the title of caliph, which would later be a cause of agitation and concern for British policy in the British Empire. This is especially true with regards to India, as fear of Indo-Muslim opinion would deeply influence British policy when it came to the Ottoman Empire’s position in the post-bellum period. With the creation of the Turkish Republic and the subsequent disestablishment of the Ottoman caliphate, Hussein, sharif of the Hejaz, would officially announce his claim to the title. This dismayed the British foreign policy establishment, which strove to avoid suggestions of complicity lest further anti-British activity be encouraged in India. Eventually, the end of Hussein would come from Ibn Saud, his principle rival in the Arab world. Despite Hussein’s status as a British ally, the widespread anger against him in the Islamic world over the caliphate would persuade the British to distance themselves from him and his religious pretensions.


Author(s):  
Ya.V. Vishnjakov ◽  

The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the peculiarities of Russian-Serbian economic ties. The author argues that the Russian-Austrian relations in the Balkan region were not only in the nature of political rivalry, but were associated with the general economic interests of Russia in the Danube region.


Author(s):  
Theodore R. Weeks

This chapter attempts to suggest some explanations for why there occurred a major shift in prevailing attitudes regarding the desired form of relations between Poles and Jews between the last major Polish uprising and the outbreak of the First World War. Specifically, this period witnessed a sharp rise of nationalist feelings among both Jews and Poles, the development of strong and widespread antisemitic feelings in nearly all segments of the Polish population, and, correspondingly, growing disillusionment with the previously accepted liberal ideal of assimilation as the answer to the ‘Jewish question’. The chapter examines this period with subsequent developments in mind. It considers whether an exacerbation of problems between Poles and Jews was inevitable, given the historical circumstances in which these two groups found themselves at the end of the nineteenth century. In this sense, this chapter may contribute to the understanding of the roots of modern Polish antisemitism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 152
Author(s):  
Alan Cocker

Malcolm Ross was New Zealand’s first official war correspondentand from 1915 until the end of the First World War he provided copy to theNew Zealand press. His journalism has been the subject of recent academicinvestigation, but Ross had another string to his bow—he was an enthusiasticphotographer with the skill to develop his own film ‘in the field’. Itmight therefore be expected that Ross was the ideal war correspondent, anindividual who could not only write the stories, but also potentially illustratethem with photography from the battlefields. Yet by the end of the conflicthis body of photographs was largely unpublished and unrecognised. Thisarticle looks at Ross’s photography and, in an era when media organisationsincreasingly require journalists to be multi-media skilled, asks whether therole of the writer and image-taker are still two different and not necessarilycomplementary skills.


Author(s):  
Olga V. Sokolovskaya ◽  

The study is devoted to the main problems faced by Greece and the great powers during the First World War in the interpretation of senior officials of the Russian Foreign Ministry in 1914–1917.


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