scholarly journals MOSCOW «ODYSSEY» OF A SERBIAN COLONEL. RUSSIAN-SERBIAN MILITARY-ECONOMIC COOPERATION ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

Author(s):  
Ya.V. Vishnjakov ◽  

The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the peculiarities of Russian-Serbian economic ties. The author argues that the Russian-Austrian relations in the Balkan region were not only in the nature of political rivalry, but were associated with the general economic interests of Russia in the Danube region.

2018 ◽  
pp. 103-125
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Vishnyakov

The article discloses the issue of Russian-Serbian military and economic contacts, that has not been studied sufficiently in Russian historiography. The contacts between Russia and Serbia became especially close on the eve of the First World War. In the context of general strategic interests of Russia on Danube, the author gives attention to the activities of the Special Expedition under the comman of M. Veselkin. The Special Expedition was formed in 1914 in order to supply Serbian army with weapon and armament.


لارك ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
فهد عويد عبد

The Balkan region in general and Romania in particular have witnessed major political developments during the First World War. Suffice it to say that the first outbreak of war began from the Balkans, namely Sarajevo, and ended in the Balkans, where the last peace treaties were signed with the surrender of Bulgaria on September 29, 1918. Years of War The Balkans were generally a theater in which the armies of the belligerents demonstrated their military capabilities. Moreover, in the same period, both sides of the conflict (the Axis Powers or the Wafd States) were struggling to obtain the support of the Balkans, including Romania, Sugary, political and economic, both on military operations or planed Supply issues or control over trade routes, and on the other side of Romania was seeking for its part to take advantage of the chance of war to the maximum extent possible to achieve the national dream of achieving political unity.


1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Majid Khadduri

“The Arab World,” said Mr. Anthony Eden, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in his speech at the Mansion House, May 29, 1941, “has made great strides since the settlement reached at the end of the last war, and many Arab thinkers desire for the Arab peoples a greater degree of unity than they now enjoy. In reaching out towards this unity, they hope for our support. No such appeal from our friends should go unanswered. It seems to me both natural and right that the cultural and economic ties, too, should be strengthened. His Majesty's Government for their part will give their full support to any scheme that commands general approval.”The Arab nationalists long ago aspired to achieve the ideal of an Arab union, or federation. But, they maintained, European imperialism had deliberately prevented the realization of that ideal. The Arabs had. fought on the side of the Allies in the first World War in order to achieve their freedom from Ottoman rule; but, following that war, the Arab World was detached from Turkish sovereignty only to be dominated by European Powers who, by applying the principle of mandatory tutelage, sought to satisfy their imperialistic interests. Moreover, the nationalists contended, the Arab World was deliberately divided into separate countries in order to make easy their domination by creating small and hopelessly weak states.


1992 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayodeji Olukoju

Shipping, a vital element of maritime trade, has not hitherto received adequate attention in studies on Nigerian colonial economic history. This article therefore fills a gap in the literature by studying aspects of the shipping trade during the First World War, when shipping was indispensable for maintaining economic links between Britain and her colonies. Shipping in Nigeria revolved around the practices of the Elder Dempster Shipping Company, which enjoyed an undisputed monopoly of the trade throughout the war, and the reactions of the colonial government and private shippers to them.Scarcity of tonnage and higher freights were the chief features of shipping during the war. The allocation of shipping space, however, ranged the colonial government, the shipping company and the Combine (that is, big European) firms against non-Combine shippers. While Elder Dempster's allocation formula suited the government and the Combine firms, it was considered inequitable by other shippers. This arrangement reflected the community of interests between the colonial state and Big Business vis-à-vis smaller traders.The interests of the government and Elder Dempster were, however, incompatible on the question of ocean freights. Thus, high freights which boosted the firm's turnover were detrimental to the economic interests of the colonial state. The company's monopoly and the non-intervention of the Imperial government enabled it to have its way. Consequently, despite losses at sea, requisition by the Imperial government and rising running costs, Elder Dempster conducted a profitable business during the war. In achieving this, it also served the Imperial interest by effectively linking Nigeria with the metropolis.On the whole, wartime shipping conditions, particularly Elder Dempster's practical monopoly, were a departure from pre-war trends. There was a gradual return to normality in the early 1920s but the firm remained pre-eminent in the West African shipping trade.


Author(s):  
Jan Ahtola Nielsen

At the outbreak of the First World War, relations between the Scandinavian countries were not exactly cordial. The dissolution of the Swedish-Norwegian Union in 1905 had created deep divisions in the Nordic region, and only during the War did Nordic cooperation regain its place of honour. The authorities were engaging in diplomatic and trade cooperation to try to ease the huge difficulties which the war between the Great Powers was causing. This stimulated Nordically minded opinion, which was not blind to the opportunities created by the outside pressure. The idea of a Nordic association for strengthening Nordic cooperation was launched by Danish ophthalmologist C.F. Heerfordt, but differences in opinion among the Danish Nordicists on how best to tackle the matter restricted the numbers taking up membership in the association which Heerfordt was instrumental in founding in Denmark in June 1917. Through his active lobbying in Sweden, Heerfordt provided the impulse for the foundation of a corresponding Swedish association, but several of the leading Swedish Nordicists held aloof from the ophthalmologist’s advances, partly owing to his federal ambitions for Nordic cooperation. In April 1918, instead of entering a partnership with the Danish association, the Swedish Nordicists approached a small group of prominent Danish Nordicists under the leadership of the influential conservative politician and industrialist Alexander Foss, and it was this small group which was chiefly responsible for founding the Danish “Norden” Association in April 1919. Heerfordt and his supporters had given their approval for the new initiative, but were unable to give it unconditional backing. The Swedes had proposed that the associations should work for political and economic rapprochement between the Nordic countries, but this met fierce Norwegian resistance, and the aim was changed to the mere strengthening of cultural and economic cooperation.


Muzikologija ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 37-61
Author(s):  
Biljana Milanovic

Part of the history of the National Theatre in Belgrade in the decade before the First World War relates to processes of discontinuity in the professionalization and modernization of the musical section in this institution and its repertoire. It had to do with abrupt changes reflected in three short-lived phases: improvements in musical ensemble and opera performances (1906-1909), the annulment of these efforts and results with a return to the old repertoire, and then again a new beginning once more with a fresh attempt to establish the Opera (1913-14). These dynamics were affected by the social and political context. It was dependent on frequent changes of the Theatre?s management staff whose main representatives had mutually conflicting views on important questions concerning the functioning of their institution. Relations between them were strongly marked by contested political motives. Theatre managers were appointed by ministers of education who could also be relieved of their posts, and members of the management staff were always active in political parties. These facts acted as a decisive factor in their communication which was similar to the behaviour and customs of public political life where an opponent is seen as an enemy, not as a partner in solving common problems. Critical and polemical discourses on important aspects of organization and programme strategy of the Theatre were burdened by political rivalry which also found its place in discussions on the cultivation of music. Questions relating to music were considered in a declarative way, so that music was instrumentalized as a means of political empowerment. The facts about music in the National Theatre raise many issues related to aspects of modernization, national identification, transfers of ?high? and popular musical cultures as well as to other problems of social, historical and cultural contexts that were intertwined in the operation of the Theatre. The context of political problems in the National Theatre opens some important topics discussed in the text: the discontinuous process of the development of the musical ensemble and its repertoire in conditions of changing management staff; prominent musical professionals and ideologists of cultural life and their relations to the musical and dramatic repertoire as well as to their audiences; potential Belgrade audience reception and their reactions to the musical and dramatic repertoire of the National Theatre. An integral analysis of these may show inconsistency between ideological and artistic intentions of individuals and the needs of the audience during the course of modernization.


2020 ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Neil Macmaster

Between 1843 and the First World War European settlers occupied the richest, irrigated agricultural land of the Chelif plain from which the indigenous population was either driven back into the mountains or reduced to a proletarian, wage-labour status inhabiting the shanty towns. This chapter explores the remarkable dualism of colonial space, the contrast between the settler zone, and that of the surrounding mountains (Chapter 2). Europeans dominated the plain both economically and politically through the control of the municipal government of twenty townships, the communes de plein exercices (CPE) on which they held an automatic electoral majority. The colonial élite of wealthy landowners, rentiers, millers, bankers, lawyers, and industrialists protected the economic interests of the European community, while blocking state investment in development of the impoverished mountainous zones of the communes mixtes.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Stykalin

The Revolution of 1848–1849 is still perceived in Hungary as one of the cult events of national history. In the European context, it became the first largescale social turmoil that demonstrated clearly the destructive power of nationalism. The mismatch of the goals of the different national movements, each formulating their own program, led to sharp collisions which echoed up to the First World War. Later, prominent representatives of European political thought reconsidered this experience. The article shows how the centennial anniversary of the Revolution, which was to be celebrated at the highest level in the interest of expanding the cooperation in the Danube region, unexpectedly coincided with the onset of an acute international conflict in which Hungary was involved - and in turn that affected the celebrations profoundly.


Author(s):  
Yu.Yu. Anshakova ◽  
◽  
M.S. Kirdyashev ◽  

The publication presents an extract from the memoirs of Elizaveta Zhemchuzhnikova, a teacher in the small town of Buzuluk in Samara province, dedicated to the famine of 1921-1922. The author vividly portrays the horrors and miseries of everyday life during that tragic time and shows some strategies that helped her and other locals to survive. The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the peculiarities of Russian-Serbian economic ties. The author argues that the Russian-Austrian relations in the Balkan region were not only in the nature of political rivalry, but were associated with the general economic interests of Russia in the Danube region.


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