Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Law of the Sea: Political Interaction and Legal Development in the Persian Gulf

1981 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 959
Author(s):  
John C. Campbell ◽  
Charles G. MacDonald
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1379
Author(s):  
Fariz Mauldiansyah

AbstractThe Persian Gulf, which stores about one fifth of the world's oil, would be the destination of every petroleum producing country. But to reach the Persian Gulf by sea, every ship must pass through the Strait of Hormuz first. The Strait of Hormuz, which was located between two countries, Iran and Oman, has become a dispute terrain for several times in the last 10 years, one of which is the dispute of ship detention between Iran and Britain. The detention of ships carried out by Iran is a big question for the international community, is the detention legal or not? This article uses a type of normative juridical writing and uses statute approach and conceptual approach.The results showed that the detention was considered legitimate because the United Kingdom had committed maritime traffic violations and abused the rights of transit passage and right of innocent passage that was granted by international law. United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1982) basically regulates and authorizes coastal states to exercise their jurisdiction in the territorial seas of their respective countries.Keywords: Ship Detention; Strait of Hormuz;Territorial Sea.AbstrakTeluk Persia yang menyimpan sekitar seperlima minyak bumi dunia, tentu menjadi destinasi setiap negara produsen minyak bumi. Namun untuk mencapai Teluk Persia melalui laut, setiap kapal harus melewati Selat Hormuz terlebih dahulu. Selat Hormuz yang terhimpit oleh dua negara, yaitu Iran dan Oman, telah beberapa kali menjadi medan sengketa dalam 10 tahun terakhir, salah satunya adalah sengketa penahanan kapal antara Iran dan Inggris. Penahanan kapal yang dilakukan oleh Iran tersebut menjadi pertanyaan besar bagi masyarakat internasional, apakah penahanan tersebut legal atau atau tidak? Artikel ini menggunakan tipe penulisan yuridis normatif dan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konseptual.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penahanan tersebut dianggap sah karena Inggris telah melakukan pelanggaran lalu lintas maritim dan menyalahgunakan hak lintas transit maupun hak lintas damai yang diberikan oleh hukum internasional. United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1982) pada dasarnya mengatur dan memberikan wewenang kepada negara pantai untuk menjalankan yurisdiksi nya di laut teritorial negara masing-masing.Kata Kunci: Penahanan Kapal; Selat Hormuz; Laut Teritorial.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (IV) ◽  
pp. 49-67
Author(s):  
Fozia ◽  
Lubna Abid Ali

Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two main powers of the Middle East. Since Islamic revolution (1979) the competition for power, security and regional dominance has resulted in proxy wars in the region, especially, Bahrain, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Saudi and Iranian rivalry revolves around some key issues such as; their contradictory ideologies (Sunni vs Shiite) PanArab issues like Palestine issue, Saudi inclination towards West, their contradictory policies about energy and desire to become dominant power of entire region. Iran's wants regional hegemony, rolling back US influence in the Middle East, empowerment of Shiite in the Middle East through sectarianism. Sectarianism has always been a major focus in the Persian Gulf and beyond for the Iranian regional policy formulation. Peace and stability in Middle East would not be possible till Riyadh and Tehran end rivalry.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-118
Author(s):  
Turan Kayaoglu

The Persian Gulf region is home to the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (viz., Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia), Iran, and Iraq. Holding over 60 percent of the world’s oil and over 40 percent of its natural gas reserves, the Persian Gulf is central to the global economy. Yet a dominant regional power is lacking; beginning with the British in the late nineteenth century, foreign powers have consistently been meddling in the region. Significant economic, social, cultural, and political changes have transformed the region’s international relations since Britain’s withdrawal in the 1960s. The contributors to this volume, which provides a rich account of this transformation, focus on natural resources, the Iranian-Saudi competition, the interest of major external actors, and political reform. The volume’s main thrust is the centrality of both state and regime security in order to understand the region. The volume’s editor, Mehran Kamrava, notes that the international politics there is essentially that of security politics. He offers four reasons for this: (1) its central role in oil and natural gas production and, increasingly, global finance, (2) the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia over regional leadership, (3) the long-standing American-Iranian conflict, and (4) the instability brought about by intermixing politics and religion. He identifies three poles of power that shape the region’s security dynamics: the American pole; the GCC pole, which is centered on Saudi military and Qatari-UAE financial power; and the Iranian pole, which relies both on military might and soft power. Since the Iranian revolution, the American and the GCC poles have built a resilient alliance that has been driven by both the United States’ growing direct involvement and the GCC’s failure to provide security to its members. The chapters, written by leading regional specialists, further elaborate on the region’s security dynamics. In Chapter 2, J. E. Petersen offers a useful typology of boundary formation. He discusses how the state-building process, historical claims, colonial imposition, and resource competition have shaped state boundaries. As these boundaries remain contested, Petersen details various ongoing problems. In Chapter 3, Fred H. Lawson refines the concepts “security dilemma” and “alliances dilemma” and uses them to explain the arms race in the Gulf since the first Gulf War. Middle East specialists and international relations scholars will find these chapters useful in conceptual refinement ...


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