Radicalization in the Persian Gulf: Assessing the potential of Islamist militancy in Saudi Arabia and Yemen

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed M. Hafez
2018 ◽  
Vol III (IV) ◽  
pp. 49-67
Author(s):  
Fozia ◽  
Lubna Abid Ali

Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two main powers of the Middle East. Since Islamic revolution (1979) the competition for power, security and regional dominance has resulted in proxy wars in the region, especially, Bahrain, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Saudi and Iranian rivalry revolves around some key issues such as; their contradictory ideologies (Sunni vs Shiite) PanArab issues like Palestine issue, Saudi inclination towards West, their contradictory policies about energy and desire to become dominant power of entire region. Iran's wants regional hegemony, rolling back US influence in the Middle East, empowerment of Shiite in the Middle East through sectarianism. Sectarianism has always been a major focus in the Persian Gulf and beyond for the Iranian regional policy formulation. Peace and stability in Middle East would not be possible till Riyadh and Tehran end rivalry.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-118
Author(s):  
Turan Kayaoglu

The Persian Gulf region is home to the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (viz., Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia), Iran, and Iraq. Holding over 60 percent of the world’s oil and over 40 percent of its natural gas reserves, the Persian Gulf is central to the global economy. Yet a dominant regional power is lacking; beginning with the British in the late nineteenth century, foreign powers have consistently been meddling in the region. Significant economic, social, cultural, and political changes have transformed the region’s international relations since Britain’s withdrawal in the 1960s. The contributors to this volume, which provides a rich account of this transformation, focus on natural resources, the Iranian-Saudi competition, the interest of major external actors, and political reform. The volume’s main thrust is the centrality of both state and regime security in order to understand the region. The volume’s editor, Mehran Kamrava, notes that the international politics there is essentially that of security politics. He offers four reasons for this: (1) its central role in oil and natural gas production and, increasingly, global finance, (2) the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia over regional leadership, (3) the long-standing American-Iranian conflict, and (4) the instability brought about by intermixing politics and religion. He identifies three poles of power that shape the region’s security dynamics: the American pole; the GCC pole, which is centered on Saudi military and Qatari-UAE financial power; and the Iranian pole, which relies both on military might and soft power. Since the Iranian revolution, the American and the GCC poles have built a resilient alliance that has been driven by both the United States’ growing direct involvement and the GCC’s failure to provide security to its members. The chapters, written by leading regional specialists, further elaborate on the region’s security dynamics. In Chapter 2, J. E. Petersen offers a useful typology of boundary formation. He discusses how the state-building process, historical claims, colonial imposition, and resource competition have shaped state boundaries. As these boundaries remain contested, Petersen details various ongoing problems. In Chapter 3, Fred H. Lawson refines the concepts “security dilemma” and “alliances dilemma” and uses them to explain the arms race in the Gulf since the first Gulf War. Middle East specialists and international relations scholars will find these chapters useful in conceptual refinement ...


2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Kéchichian

The existing regional balance of power in the Persian Gulf is likely to shift after Iran becomes a nuclear state. Conservative Arab Gulf monarchies, which emerged relatively unscathed from previous tectonic changes, are poised to mimic the Iranian program with far-reaching consequences for all concerned. Although major powers may well tolerate a nuclearized Iran, its neighbors face daunting security challenges to protect and promote preferred regional interests, including tested alliances with key Western governments. Saudi Arabia and its smaller Arab Gulf partners will need to exercise savvy policies to prevent a fourth regional war before the first decade of the 21st century is out. They may even have to address intrinsic political and socioeconomic reforms to preserve existing privileges.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Simon Mabon

In recent years, Saudi Arabia has faced a number of serious challenges to its geopolitical position in the Persian Gulf regional security complex. Having long relied upon the United States as a guarantor of its security, recent friction between Washington and Riyadh, coupled with what appeared to be a burgeoning rapprochement between the US and Iran, has caused policymakers in Riyadh to reconsider Saudi foreign policy behavior.


Author(s):  
Nader Entessar

This chapter explores the turbulent relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia since the pivotal year of 1979 – the year of both the Iranian revolution and significant domestic turmoil in Saudi Arabia. Nader Entessar examines how the very different foreign policy objectives by the two regional powers in the Persian Gulf have evolved since 1979. Entessar provides a wide-ranging overview of the national interests and motivations, levels of threat perception and military balance, and changing domestic and foreign policy context that feed into the regional roles of Saudi Arabia and Iran and underscores the point that the projection, and degree, of influence projected by each is not static but fluctuates as domestic, regional, and global political and strategic circumstances themselves shift. Entessar argues that a “diplomacy deficit” has exacerbated volatility in the Persian Gulf and contributed to a zero-sum approach to regional security.


2018 ◽  
pp. 57-110
Author(s):  
Mehran Kamrava

This chapter examines the foreign policies of six key actors in the Persian Gulf in light of middle power rivalries and sectarian tensions. The actors include Iran and Saudi Arabia, which the chapter argues are today perhaps the Middle East’s most significant middle powers, in addition to Turkey of course. There are two other states in the area with aspirations of being middle powers, namely Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, despite their small geographic size and equally small populations.


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