Making Sense of the ‘Relative Autonomy’ of the State

2017 ◽  
pp. 195-208
Author(s):  
Paul Wetherly
2020 ◽  
pp. 219-241
Author(s):  
Timothy William Waters

This chapter explores strategies to achieve acceptance of a right to secede, whether as a legal rule or as a model for individual states. Secession is a hard sell, and the principal battleground is moral and political. A shift in attitudes must precede the legal project; only then will people see doctrinal arguments lining up and making sense. And, after all, the goal is not a new legal right for its own sake, but a change in how societies and states behave. The chapter then considers why a formal right of secession is implausible, and what that implies about the best strategies to adopt—the narrow but real possibilities that exist. The path is indirect: It relies on transnational diffusion of norms, and for this people can draw lessons from once-improbable projects that have become orthodoxies, such as decolonization and human rights; also, recent secession attempts suggest that constitutional projects could serve as models. The path leads through many small changes, rather than a single, quixotic swerve toward a new legal rule. But because the existing global norm limits the ability to create change within states, people cannot abandon the idea of a new rule: Advocates of secession need a point of triangulation outside the state to advance their cause, and that point will be found in international law.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 500-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ljubica Spaskovska

This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak The article traces certain mnemonic patterns in the ways individuals who belonged to the late-socialist Yugoslav youth elite articulated their values in the wake of Yugoslavia’s demise and the ways they make sense of the Yugoslav socialist past and their generational role a quarter of a century later. It detects narratives of loss, betrayed hopes, and a general disillusionment with politics and the state of post-socialist democracy that appear to be particularly frequent in the testimonies of the media and cultural elites. They convey a sense of discontent with the state of post-Yugoslav democracy and with the politicians—some belonging to the same generation—who embraced conservative values and a semi-authoritarian political culture. The article argues that an emerging new authoritarianism and the very process of progressive disillusionment with post-socialist politics allowed for the emergence and articulation of such alternative, noninstitutionalized individual memories that, whilst not uncritical of the Yugoslav past, tend to highlight its positive aspects.


Author(s):  
M. Mustafa Erdoğdu

The main premise of this chapter is that state actions are crucial for economic development and those actions are partly shaped by the culture. Because some cultures are more conducive to development, it is engaged with the question: “Would it be possible to direct cultural change to serve economic development?” Since culture is a subject-object relationship, it might be possible to direct cultural change and consequently build up a developmental state. This chapter particularly focuses on the defining characteristics of a developmental state. In addition to the three characteristics recognized in the literature (relative autonomy, capacity, and embeddedness), four others are identified which are essential for a state to become developmental and remain so. These are: legitimacy of the state, integration of the society, socio-political stability, and motivation for economic development. The Korean developmental state is taken as a case study and investigated under this new light.


For several decades, Yanhuang Chunqiu (Annals of the Yellow Emperor) enjoyed a unique status among Chinese publications as a monthly magazine that was both the publication of a state-owned unit and the journal of a private association managed by a team of independent editors. It made a strong contribution to furthering public discussion of early PRC history through special columns like “Controversies” and “Confessions.” This chapter analyzes the journal’s strategy in negotiating a space of relative autonomy with the institutions of state censorship, before it was ultimately reorganized by the state in 2016.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCO GOLDONI

Abstract:The article addresses the question of how to study global constitutional law by suggesting a material methodology. Drawing from previous studies of the notion of the material constitution, both from materialist and institutionalist types (Marx, Mortati, Poulantzas), the article proposes to look at the development of global constitutional law, in its many instantiations, in terms of its relation with the state. Accounts of the autonomy of global constitutional law are requalified in terms of relative autonomy. More specifically, global constitutional law is conceived as a legal construction functional to the transformation of the contemporary state. From the perspective of the material study of constitutional law, the state is still deemed to be the main unit of analysis, but, at the same time, state-centred accounts based on an exceptionalist understanding of sovereignty are rejected as reductive and, at times, inaccurate.


Author(s):  
Patrick O'Malley

AbstractThis paper outlines and critically assesses some of the principal attempts to explain state law making in Canada in terms of its constitution as an advanced capitalist democracy. While generally retaining a conception of relative autonomy of the state, stress is laid on the fact that this can be no more than an heuristic approach. Because it cannot be known in advance whether specific conditions represent an authentic threat to capital reproduction and because interpretation of such conditions is a necessary part of the mobilisation of resistance to such conditions, the so-called limits to autonomy represent no more than a shorthand for politically invoked strategies of opposition by agents of capital. Moreover, focus on relative autonomy and the concept of limits focuses attention on the externalities of state agencies and constitutes these as distinct from the processes relativising state autonomy. The paper therefore works toward a conceptualisation of discursive and non-discursive practices which tend to generate capitalistic-reproductive actions by state agencies.


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