The Princeton Fugitive Slave

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
LOLITA BUCKNER INNISS
Keyword(s):  
Fugitive Slave

The Captive's Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Finkelman
Keyword(s):  
Fugitive Slaves ◽  
Fugitive Slave Law ◽  
Fugitive Slave

The Captive's Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery

The Battle of Negro Fort: The Rise and Fall of a Fugitive Slave Community

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 411-412
Author(s):  
David Stefan Doddington
Keyword(s):  
Fugitive Slave

Slavery and Colonial Identity in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius

1998 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 189-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Vaughan
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Large Family ◽  
Professional Group ◽  
Southern India ◽  
Police Station ◽  
Fugitive Slave

On 25 May 1785, a M. Lousteau arrived at the police station in Port Louis, Isle de France (now Mauritius) to complain that his slave Jouan had been abducted. He described Jouan as an ‘Indien’, ‘Lascar’ and ‘Malabar’, and said that he had learned that he had been smuggled on to the royal ship Le Brillant, bound for Pondicherry in southern India, by one Bernard (whom Lousteau describes as a ‘creol libre’ but who later is described as ‘Malabar, soi-disant libre’ and ‘Topa Libre’). The story of the escape had been told to him by a ‘Bengalie’ slave called Modeste, who belonged to the ‘Lascar’ fisherman, Bacou. A number of people had apparently assisted Jouan's escape in other ways—most importantly his trunk of belongings had been moved secretly from hut to hut before being embarked with him. Lousteau was a member of that ever-growing professional group of eighteenth-century France and its colonies: the lawyers. He was clerk to the island's supreme court, the Conseil Superieur. He supported a large family, he said, and the loss of Jouan represented a serious loss to their welfare. Jouan, it turned out, was no ordinary slave. He was a skilled carpenter who earned his master a significant sum every month; he was highly valued, and Lousteau had refused an offer of 5,000 livres for him. What is more, he could be easily recognised, for he was always exceptionally well turned-out and well-groomed. To facilitate in the search for his slave, Lousteau provided the following description of him:He declares that his fugitive slave is of the Lascar caste, a Malabar, dark black in colour, short in height, with a handsome, slightly thin face, a gentle appearance, with long hair … that he is very well dressed, abundantly endowed with clothes, such as jackets and shorts … wearing small gold earrings, a pin with a gold heart on his shirt, and on the arm a mark on the skin which he thinks reads DM.

Shadrach Minkins: From Fugitive Slave to Citizen.

1997 ◽  
Vol 102 (5) ◽  
pp. 1576
Author(s):  
Carol Wilson ◽  
Gary Collison
Keyword(s):  
Fugitive Slave

scholarly journals The Constitutionality of the Fugitive Slave Acts

1921 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Fugitive Slave

Different Tales of John Glasgow: John Brown’s Evolution to Slave Life in Georgia

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 212-234
Author(s):  
Ikuko Asaka
Keyword(s):  
Political Agency ◽  
Free Black ◽  
Fugitive Slave ◽  
John Brown

This article seeks to advance conversation on the literary and political agency of fugitive slave narrators and their far-reaching archival footprints by focusing on the evolution of John Brown’s narrative of John Glasgow, a Demerara-born free Black sailor with whom Brown toiled side by side on a Georgian plantation. In British and U.S. abolitionist discourse, Glasgow’s tragic story—he was imprisoned under Georgia’s seamen law upon arriving in Savannah and eventually fell into bondage—made him the symbol of the southern seamen acts’ egregious infringement of British freedom. Brown, a formerly enslaved expatriate resident in England, told this tale in his autobiography Slave Life in Georgia, but the authorship of this story has some ambiguity. It is believed by some scholars that the narrative’s editor, London-based White abolitionist Louis Alexis Chamerovzow, concocted the tale. By drawing on newly discovered documents, this article demonstrates that Brown originally attributed Glasgow’s enslavement to kidnapping by deceit, not to a Black seamen law. Furthermore, an examination of British diplomatic dispatches and the details of the Black seaman law operating in Savannah at that time posits the likelihood that Glasgow became enslaved by deception rather than law. What do we make of these findings? Instead of marshalling them to confirm Chamerovzow as the story’s creator, this article speculates that John Brown himself invented the Glasgow story and imagines a transatlantic Black political circuitry connecting England and Canada.

Franklin Pierce and the Kansas-Nebraska Act

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred I. Greenstein ◽  
Dale Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Emotional Intelligence ◽  
Cognitive Style ◽  
Organizational Capacity ◽  
Political Skill ◽  
Public Communication ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
Fugitive Slave ◽  
Policy Vision

This chapter assesses the strengths and weaknesses of Franklin Pierce, focusing on six realms: public communication, organizational capacity, political skill, policy vision, cognitive style, and emotional intelligence. Pierce won the Democratic Party's 1852 presidential nomination after a forty-eight ballot impasse in which none of the party's top three leaders was able to muster the two-thirds vote needed to become the Democratic flag bearer. A gregarious nonentity, he took office amid growing anger over the Fugitive Slave Act and passed on to his successor an acutely polarized nation. Pierce's historical reputation is captured in a survey of sixty-four historians conducted by C-SPAN in which he ranked fortieth in a field of forty-two.

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