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Author(s):  
Ivan Borovets ◽  

The Polish authorities had a negative attitude towards the central government of the Czechoslovak Republic at that time. Therefore, the Polish reprezentatives were in active contact with the opposition Glinka Slovak People’s Party. They had a number of common ideological values such as Slavic reciprocity, Catholicism, Anti-Bolshevism, and positive assessment of authoritarianism. The Polish politics assured that Warsaw supports state-building plans of the Slovak leaders and solemnly welcomed their delegation to Poland in May 1938. Polish-Slovak relations were marked by contradictions during and shortly after the Munich crisis. The Slovaks suggested state association and submitted a declaration on the Polish-Slovak union. But they did not receive an answer, so they agreed with the Prague government about granting Slovakia autonomy. The Polish authorities expected more pronounced separatism from the Slovaks. Warsaw made territorial claims for Slovak lands in the area of Spis and Orava because Poles wanted to push indecisive oppositionists. The ultimate form of the demands and the forceful nature of Polish actions demonstrated the real content of Warsaw’s policy towards Slovakia. These events resulted to the improvement of Czech-Slovak relations within the framework of Post Munich Czechoslovakia and also led to the appeal of Slovak politicians to Germany. Both sides tried to improve the atmosphere of bilateral relations during the winter of 1938-1939. Meetings of delegations were organized for discuss different ways to intensify positive cooperation. An influence of Nazi Germany was increasing in the region at that time. So, the realization of the danger, posed by Germans, was the main factor to Polish-Slovak rapprochement. In early March, Berlin organized a campaign to put pressure on Slovak politicians and persuaded them to secession. They tried in vain to put forward a Polish counterweight. The declaration of independence of Slovakia according to the German scenario marked the strategic failure of Polish foreign policy, because the southern border of the state became a zone of potential danger


Author(s):  
Abhilash Chandra

Abstract: In the midst of the new educational policies, the resonance of learning has been astute. The New Education Policies in eons to heretofore has demonstrated an indifferent paranoia in the education existentialism. With what is seen and is reformed, the categorical enunciation stands no different from the reforms that are witnessed indistinct. The reforms were initiated in various sectors. The pending reforms were carried out after a long gap of three decades. This paper tries to analyses the fall outs of NEP. The objectives are to understand the origin of policies relating to education sectors, to understand the vision of NEP, to know about the principles of NEP and primary data analysis. The paper elaborates the challenges faced by the reforms pertaining to Education Policies, otherwise would afflict the new dimension of learning. Keywords: National Education Policy, Vision, HEI, Knowledge, Education Policies, Karnataka, Radical Restructuring.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Kift ◽  
Nadine Zacharias ◽  
Matt Brett

The Best Chance for All was developed in 2018 as a long-term policy vision for student equity in Australian tertiary education. We argue in this article that COVID-19 has exacerbated the issues that the policy vision sought to address and has increased demands on and of post-secondary education. Specifically, we argue that the magnitude of the social and economic challenges presented by COVID-19 warrants holistic policy responses that enable the transition to a connected tertiary education system; one designed to deliver choice and flexibility for lifelong learners. A roadmap for this transition exists in the form of The Best Chance For All. The vision can be actuated through demand driven funding arrangements across tertiary education that are coherently aligned to optimise the performance of both the higher and vocational education sectors and are underpinned by sustained investment in equity outreach and support.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Erna Maters ◽  
Joke Luttik

The circular economy is a topic researched by Wageningen University & Research (WUR). In addition to better waste management WUR strives to reduce the use of resources in its operational management. Recently WUR’s executive board ratified a Circular economy policy, vision & strategy 2019-2030. Aim is to achieve a 50% reduction in the use of resources in 2030, compared to 2014. This ambition follows the circular economy policy launched by the Dutch government.By buying fewer products, making smarter use of products, extending their lifespan and re-using products within WUR or elsewhere, WUR will reduce the number of resources used, as well as the amount of waste that is incinerated or recycled. In order to follow the progress of WUR’s circular economy policy WUR will also monitor the usage of resources, in addition to the current waste monitoring. Strategies proposed are to extend the use of products, to recycle products for new purposes, extending the lifespan of new products and to close the circle for new products fully. The success of WUR’s circular economy policy depends on acceptance and support by, and behaviour of students and employees whose expertise WUR will furthermore use where possible. WUR will also cooperate where possible with other organisations and companies.


Author(s):  
Karin Astrid Siegmann ◽  
Hadia Majid

AbstractThe SDGs’ commitment to inclusive growth reflects an increasing international concern with the inclusiveness of macro-economic development. Yet, although research underscores that economic growth is not gender-neutral, gender dimensions remain a footnote to these debates. This article explores the connection between growth performance and gender inequalities in the case of Pakistan. The country’s macro-economic performance has been characterised as a case of ‘growth without development’. More specifically, severe gender inequalities and women’s marginalisation in international comparison have persisted even in phases of high GDP growth. This paradoxical situation offers a fertile context for the analysis of how empowering macro-economic growth has been and can be for women. We investigate how empowering growth has been for women in Pakistan by exploring aggregate data on sectoral growth and gendered employment. Our analysis does not suggest the straightforward win–win for growth and women’s empowerment espoused in Pakistan’s national policy vision. Rather, we find that women’s employment is precarious—women are largely viewed as secondary earners engaging in distress sale of labour.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suyoto Suyoto ◽  
Fery Permana Adi

The purpose of this study is to analyze the economic dan resources growth in Bojonegoro using six pillars sustainble development in order to improve it's human capital and capital resources. This study was conducted in Bojonegoro, using qualititave approach with the level of explanation descriptive. As for the type of data used in this research included in this type of qualitative data. Data collection techniques used self inqury secondary data analysis include, observation and documentation. The data analysis technique used in this research is a descriptive technique which includes three stages of analysis, namely data reduction, data display and conclusion drawing/verification. The result show that in general, the six pillars of Bojonegoro's sustainable development as stated in the previous discussion are basically the choice of the path of transformation, but it is still necessary to confirm how this scenario will be followed. For this, it is necessary to affirm what must be transformed, namely the six elements of Bojonegoro's transformation, Vision Transformation, Vision for Economic Development, Environmental Vision, Social Vision, Fiscal Policy Vision,Vision of the Bureaucracy, Vision of Leadership


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Winter 2021) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolay Kozhanov

During the last five years, Russian relations with the GCC have developed on a largely positive trajectory. Even Moscow’s decision to leave the OPEC+ agreement and launch a price war with Saudi Arabia in March 2020 did not threaten the gains made by Russian diplomacy in the region. Following a cooling-off period in 2012-2014 caused by the negative reaction of the GCC States to the Russian support of the Assad regime in Syria, the overall rapprochement continued. When explaining the complex mixture of factors that are driving Moscow’s dialogue with the GCC member states regardless of occasional political turbulence they usually refer to the growing intensity of Moscow’s presence in the region, changing dynamics of the U.S. relations with Russia and the GCC, existing tensions between Middle Eastern countries as well as the transformation of GCC foreign policy vision. Yet, the economic factors usually remain underestimated. Consequently, this article will try to prove the importance of the economic factors for the current development of Russia’s relations with the Gulf States. It will also assess the prospects for continued economic cooperation between GCC capitals and Moscow including an analysis of the ability of the sides to bring these relations to a new qualitative level.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Süleyman Güder ◽  
Murat Çemrek ◽  
M. Hüseyin Mercan

The “Foreign Policy in the Turkey of the Future,” beyond providing a foreign policy vision for the future, intends to lay out a comprehensive, coherent, and practical framework of analysis for Turkish foreign policy (TFP). Firstly, report touches upon the critical junctures of basic foreign policy in the last century and evaluates Turkey’s position in the world while providing a general outlook on TFP. Secondly, it analyzes TFP’s relations with global and regional actors during the AK Party era. Thirdly, report is devoted to examining the principal parameters that will influence foreign policy in Turkey’s future. The final section of the report, has been prepared with the aims of determining the weaknesses in Turkish foreign policy and bringing principle-advocating suggestions regarding visions for both institutions and foreign policy as a result of the topics addressed in previous parts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 120 (822) ◽  
pp. 28-34
Author(s):  
Raffaello Pantucci

China’s Belt and Road Initiative is best known as a massive set of infrastructure projects stretching from Asia to Europe. But more than that, it is a sweeping foreign policy vision that provides China with opportunities for deep engagement with virtually every aspect of state and society in its partner countries. Many developing countries welcome the investments and opportunities for trade linked to the initiative, but some of the projects have sparked local resistance over fears of unfair terms or potential opportunities for Chinese intelligence penetration.


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