At the Edge, Parts i and ii: Terminal Pleistocene Hunter-Gatherers in the Negev and Sinai

Author(s):  
A. Nigel Goring-Morris
2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (40) ◽  
pp. e2100117118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Douglass ◽  
Dylan Gaffney ◽  
Teresa J. Feo ◽  
Priyangi Bulathsinhala ◽  
Andrew L. Mack ◽  
...  

How early human foragers impacted insular forests is a topic with implications across multiple disciplines, including resource management. Paradoxically, terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene impacts of foraging communities have been characterized as both extreme—as in debates over human-driven faunal extinctions—and minimal compared to later landscape transformations by farmers and herders. We investigated how rainforest hunter-gatherers managed resources in montane New Guinea and present some of the earliest documentation of Late Pleistocene through mid-Holocene exploitation of cassowaries (Aves: Casuariidae). Worldwide, most insular ratites were extirpated by the Late Holocene, following human arrivals, including elephant birds of Madagascar (Aepyornithidae) and moa of Aotearoa/New Zealand (Dinornithiformes)—icons of anthropogenic island devastation. Cassowaries are exceptional, however, with populations persisting in New Guinea and Australia. Little is known of past human exploitation and what factors contributed to their survival. We present a method for inferring past human interaction with mega-avifauna via analysis of microstructural features of archaeological eggshell. We then contextualize cassowary hunting and egg harvesting by montane foragers and discuss the implications of human exploitation. Our data suggest cassowary egg harvesting may have been more common than the harvesting of adults. Furthermore, our analysis of cassowary eggshell microstructural variation reveals a distinct pattern of harvesting eggs in late ontogenetic stages. Harvesting eggs in later stages of embryonic growth may reflect human dietary preferences and foraging seasonality, but the observed pattern also supports the possibility that—as early as the Late Pleistocene—people were collecting eggs in order to hatch and rear cassowary chicks.


Author(s):  
Amy E. Gusick ◽  
Jon M. Erlandson

If the California Islands were marginal for human settlement, why were several of them occupied more or less continuously since Terminal Pleistocene or Early Holocene times? The earliest human history of California's Islands is clouded by sea level rise, coastal erosion, dune building, and differential research intensity. Nonetheless, Paleocoastal sites are abundant on the Northern Channel Islands and Cedros Island, suggesting that they were optimal habitat for early hunter-gatherers, with ample food, freshwater, mineral, and other resources to sustain permanent settlement. Worldwide on islands where late Pleistocene or early Holocene human colonization occurred, climate shifts and massive landscape changes caused by postglacial sea level rise require detailed reconstructions of paleogeography and paleoecology to assess the potential productivity or marginality of islands or archipelagos.


Antiquity ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Cyler Conrad ◽  
Rasmi Shoocongdej ◽  
Ben Marwick ◽  
Joyce C. White ◽  
Cholawit Thongcharoenchaikit ◽  
...  

Established chronologies indicate a long-term ‘Hoabinhian’ hunter-gatherer occupation of Mainland Southeast Asia during the Terminal Pleistocene to Mid-Holocene (45 000–3000 years ago). Here, the authors re-examine the ‘Hoabinhian’ sequence from north-west Thailand using new radiocarbon and luminescence data from Spirit Cave, Steep Cliff Cave and Banyan Valley Cave. The results indicate that hunter-gatherers exploited this ecologically diverse region throughout the Terminal Pleistocene and the Pleistocene–Holocene transition, and into the period during which agricultural lifeways emerged in the Holocene. Hunter-gatherers did not abandon this highland region of Thailand during periods of environmental and socioeconomic change.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erhard Schüttpelz

"Domestizierung lässt sich durch einen Nukleus aus drei technischen Tätigkeiten definieren: durch die gesteuerte Reproduktion, die eigens eingerichtete Ernährung und den Schutz von Tieren und Pflanzen vor Schädigungen. Wenn man diese Definition an einen Vergleich von Kulturen und Kollektiven anlegt, stellen sich zwei Überraschungen ein: Außerhalb jeder Domestizierung entwickeln Wildbeuter eine rituelle Domestizierung oder ein mythologisches Verständnis, ihre Welt sei bereits domestiziert. Und in der Moderne tritt an die Seite der technischen Domestizierung ihre mögliche Naturalisierung. Der Aufsatz zieht einige Konsequenzen aus diesem typologischen Vergleich. Domestication can be defined by a nucleus of three technical activities: controlled reproduction and nutrition as well as protection of animals and plants from damage. If one applies this definition to a comparison of cultures and collectives, two surprises arise: Without being in touch of any kind of domestication, hunter-gatherers develop a ritual domestication or a mythological understanding that their world already is domesticated. And in modernity, possible naturalization arises at the side of technical domestication. The paper draws some conclusions from this typological comparison. "


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