scholarly journals Hongkong — Specjalny Region Administracyjny Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej i praktyczna realizacja politycznej idei „jedno państwo — dwa systemy”

2020 ◽  
Vol 5(160) ◽  
pp. 153-169
Author(s):  
Agata Wiktoria Ziętek

On 1 July 1997, the United Kingdom officially handed over the territory of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China. This event had a symbolic meaning. It marked the end of a stage in China’s history which began in the middle of the 19th century and was described as a time of humiliation. Hong Kong was supposed to be an example of practical implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s political concept of “one country, two systems”, which assumed the possibility of functioning of different economic and political systems in one country. Despite the passage of time, questions remain as to what China’s attitude to the regained territory will be; to what extent the provisions of the 1984 agreement signed between the governments of the People’s Republic of China and the United Kingdom and the 1990 Basic Law for the region will be respected by China, and thus what the political, economic and social situation in Hong Kong will look like until its complete reintegration, i.e., by 2047, and what the future of Hong Kong will be.

Author(s):  
Roberto Peruzzi

The years 1966 and 1967 are crucial for British Crown’s Colony of Hong Kong and for United Kingdom’s economic relation with the People’s Republic of China. Few studies on the subject addressed this reality only partially, whereas a thorough vision remains to be achieved. The 1967 left-wing riots marked a point of no return in UK’s perception of the Hong Kong issue from a political standpoint as the events showed the British the exact measurement of their weakness in the area. But while agreeing that UK’s decolonization strategy might have an earlier start, we have to point out that the years 1966 and 1967 need to be studied as crucial dates, which marks the acquisition of a new consciousness by the Hong Kong financial and industrial milieus: from then on, the economic future of the colony will look towards the Mainland and not anymore towards the United Kingdom, thus acknowledging the strong, though not problem-free, links built over the years by the Hong Kong capitalists with the People’s Republic of China establishment.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Simon N.M. Young

The Law of the People's Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (NSL) was passed on June 30, 2020 by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC). It did not have immediate direct effect in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). After consulting the Committee for the Basic Law of the HKSAR (BLC) and the Government of the HKSAR (HKSARG), the NPCSC added the NSL to Annex III of The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (Basic Law) before the Chief Executive of the HKSAR (Chief Executive) promulgated the NSL for local application. All this happened on June 30, enabling the NSL to enter into force at 11 p.m., just ahead of the twenty-third anniversary of the establishment of the HKSAR on July 1, 2020.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carole J. Petersen ◽  
Alvin Y.H. Cheung

Since July 1997, when Hong Kong was reunited with the People’s Republic of China, academics in the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong have fiercely protected their right to engage in critical speech and practice academic freedom. They have been aided by Hong Kong’s regional constitution (known as the “Basic Law”), which incorporates international human rights treaties into domestic law and contains unusually detailed protections for freedom of expression, academic freedom, and educational autonomy. These constitutional provisions originated in the Sino- British Joint Declaration, a bilateral treaty that was duly registered with the United Nations. Nonetheless, this article documents a dramatic decline in academic freedom in Hong Kong since the last comprehensive study of the topic was published in 2006. This is partly because the Chinese Communist Party has made a concerted effort to punish Hong Kong academics and student organizations for their role in the Umbrella Movement and other pro-democracy movements. Equally important, there have been significant changes to the governance structure in Hong Kong’s universities over the past decade, creating overly-centralized universities that are far too vulnerable to outside interference. These developments have already damaged the quality and international reputation of Hong Kong’s universities, which will ultimately hurt not only Hong Kong but also the People’s Republic of China.


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