Evolution of the Verbal-Derivational Field of the Political Media Concept of «Maidan» in the Russian Media

The proposed article demonstrates that the formation and development of a new political concept is accompanied by an increase in the number of units representing it, which also occurs due to active word-formation processes that lead to the emergence of a significant number of non-derivatives formed from the main representative of the concept. The hypothesis is verified by the example of the description of the verbal-derivational field of the “maidan” media concept.In the course of the research, the method of constructing a word-formation nest was used; to assess the frequency of use of new derivatives, the method of content analysis was used. The material for the study was texts related to media discourse for the period from 2004 to 2019. The article highlights two periods in the development of the concept of “Maidan” in the media discourse, associated with two major protests in Ukraine and their consequences, for each period new derivatives formed from the root of the Maidan are identified and described, the ways of forming new words are determined, their frequency is analyzed. which ultimately allows us to trace the evolution of the concept’s verbal-derivational field. It has been established that each of the periods under consideration is characterized by a significant increase in the number of derivatives of the “maidan” media concept, in particular, at the first stage, 17 new derivative words appeared, at the second stage, their number increases to 41 units, which is accompanied by an increase in the frequency of all non-derivatives. The bulk of the new words allows us to characterize 1) the typology of protests (avtomaydan, eromaydan, mikhomaidan, anti-maidan), 2) its participants (maidan, maidan, maidan, maidan, etc.) and 3) the process of protest and its phases (zamaydan, maidan, re-maidan , domaydanit, etc.). Thus, the results obtained confirm the thesis about the important role of derivational processes in the formation and development of concepts and indicate the increasing importance of the “Maidan” media concept for the national political concept sphere.

ZAKI NAGUIB MAHMOUD’S THOUGHT ON IDEAL POLITICS (From Social-Criticism to Liberating-Nationalism)

The discourse on political dynamics in Islamic (Arabic) countries leaves a debate that will never end. One of the Muslim thinkers who contributed to the concept of Islamic politics was Zaki Naguib Mahmoud. Although he was not as popular as other thinkers, in the context of Islamic politics, the presence of Zaki's thoughts made Islamic political discourse more dynamic. Zaki offered some criticisms and conceptual proposals for political discourse, namely a political concept that is not only oriented to the struggle for power, but a political concept that liberates, prospers, and always tries to build a better order of life. Zaky was here to oppose the tyranny of power and the hegemony of the majority over the minority. For the Arabs, the realization of such a political vision is not impossible, considering that they have a noble heritage in the form of a spirit of nationalism rooted in the era of their predecessors. It is this spirit that should be able to establish political order and liberate the Arab country from backwardness, decline, and moral degradation.

Islamic Parties between Sacred and Profane: Transformation of the Concept of Party in the Muslim Political Discourse

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the concept of Islamic party in the Muslim political discourse. Considering the processes of separation of Islam and politics as the formation of independent communication systems, the authors try to find an answer to the question of how, despite doctrinal restrictions, the notion “Islamic party” managed to acquire the features of a stable political concept. The authors propose a hypothesis, according to which, as the socio-political modernization of the Arab countries proceeds, the political system appropriates this concept, thereby specifying Islamic values at the level that allows to combine these values with new power institutions and fulfill specific political actions with these values. To test this hypothesis, the authors turn to the analysis of the temporal structure of the concept of party in Quran (Sunnah), the texts of the first ideologues of the Muslim Brotherhood and the rhetoric of the modern Islamic movements that occupy stable positions in the national parliaments. As a result of the study, the authors document the polysemantics inherent in the Islamic doctrine and identify the main parameters of the temporalization and pragmatization of the concept. According to their conclusion, the Islamic parties’ abandonment of Quranic time and placement in the national-historical contexts, as well as the erosion of their initial core values, determine the mo dern perception and functional significance of such parties: they act as an institution that differentiates Islamic norms and ensures their combination with the institutions of the nation state that emerged in the process of moder nization.

Socialist idea and methods of constitutional implementation in 1918

This article demonstrates that socialism was the key political concept for the nascent Soviet constitutionalism. The matter is that the political-legal ideas of V. I. Lenin underlied the ideology of Bolshevism, which became the basis of the entire legal system of the Soviet state. The author traces the evolution of socialist ideas and their reception by the Russian social democracy. In the Bolshevik party, the idea of a socialist society has acquired rather utopian and radical forms than the initial European model. This was associated with the fact that socioeconomic, political and cultural conditions dictated certain framework for the implementation of socialism. The Communist Party had to establish the socialist principles and fundamentals of the Soviet society on the constitutional level. This led to robust debates on the issue in the constitutional commission. The discourse that emerged due to the adoption of the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918 is poorly reflected in the scientific publications; therefore, the author provides brief biographical data of the key members of the constitutional commission. This allows correlating the political-legal ideas with the historical and personal contexts. It is worth noting that such concepts as “socialist society”, “association” and “union” underlie the comprehension of the essence of state and law. This served as the basis for further discussion of the goals and objectives of the councils, first steps, as well as rights and responsibilities of citizens.

O POJEDINIM PITANjIMA FINANSIRANjA ZAŠTITE ŽIVOTNE SREDINE NA NIVOU LOKALNIH SAMOUPRAVAU REPUBLICI SRBIJI

Sustainable development is a political concept that brings with it numerous practical and realistic challenges, with special emphasis on those related to the provision, direction and release of resources for the implementation of such a policy. Therefore, the financing of environmental protection is marked as one of the most important issues in the environmental management system, not only in formal strategic documents. In the area of economic instruments for environmental protection at the local level, transparency has been increased and revenue collection and control procedures have been significantly facilitated. Whilst there are indications that ambitious investments are being made in environmental protection, the functionality of the so-called environmental compensations as economic instruments remains questionable. Large polluters should be fiscally affected more severely, and the destination of this revenue for environmental purposes in the budgets of local self-government units should be considered. This is the only path to enable this instrument to produce its "environmental" and not only its fiscal dimension.

Konserwatyzm narodowy Maurice’a Barrèsa jako sprzeciw wobec nowoczesnej ideologizacji życia zbiorowego

The subject of the article is the philosophical and political concept of Maurice Barrès (1862–1923), French writer and thinker, the most important next to Charles Maurras, a national-conservative thinker in the Third French Republic. The author argues that the topicality of Barrès’ concept lies in revealing the threat arising from the desire to fully reflect reality in political ideologies. The hermeneutic exegesis of Barrès’s concept avoids its superficial reading as chauvinistic or internally incoherent. The author situates it as an ideological and historical context as a polemic with official ideology of the Third Republic, that is, Charles Renouvier’s neocantism. Its links with the concepts of Ernest Renan and Hyppolite Taine, writers combining individualism and agnosticism with conservatism, are revealed. The author points out that Barrès’ opposition to the ideologization of collective life resulted from his concept of man. In the course of its evolution — the transition from ‘The Cult of Self’ to conservatism, its individualistic aspect has been preserved. This justified both the valorisation of the nation as one of the sources of the self’s identity and the rejection of chauvinistic approaches to nationalism, not taking into account other factors forming the human identity, i.e. the region and the universal community. It also justified the rejection of ideological apriorism in politics and political projects.

ISU KETUANAN MELAYU DI MALAYSIA

This article discusses an important political concept in Malaysia, that is the political supremacy of the Malays. The Malays supremacy was resulted from a social contract between the native Malays, on one part, and the Indian and Chinese immigrants, on the other part, during the negotiation concerning the independent of Persekutuan Tanah Melayu before 1957. It was said in the contract the native Malays slackened the prerequisites for the citizenship of the Persekutuan Tanah Melayu for the Chinese and Indian immigrants, while the Chinese and the Indian immigrants admitted a dominant position of the Malays in political administration. However, after the Persekutuan Tanah Melayu changed into Malaysia in 1963, the Chinese and the Indians begin to be disloyal to the social contract. They wanted equal right among all Malaysian citizens. By using archaeological dan ethnohistorical approaches, I will trace the origins of the concept of native supremacy in the Malay Nusantara sosiocultural context. Secondly, I will discuss the challenges facing the concept after Malay Land occupied by the British colonialist, particularly after the 1960es. The concept of “native sovereignity” is called beschikkingsrecht in Dutch language. It was invented by a Dutch expert of customary law, van Vollenhoven, in 1909 (ter Haar 1962). The concept of “native sovereignity” was originally aimed to remind the neighbour villagers or the foreigners when they passed on, or open a rice field, in a new area. They had to ask permission to the master of the land. Therefore, for the sake of harmonious social life, all ethnic groups in todays Malaysia, especially the new immigrants from different cultural background, it is suggested to learn and comprehend basic concepts in traditional native Malays customary law. Keywords: native Malays, ethnicity, native sovereignity, beschikkingsrecht, Will of the Malay Kings.

DEISM AS A DEFINITIVE PRINCIPLE FOR THE FORMATION OF THE PHILOSOPHY HISTORY OF WOLTER’S

Voltaire’s creativity ismultifaceted, covering the problems of philosophical knowledge, the assertion of a deistic worldview, the implementation of the principles of human free will, a comprehensive critique of religion and the church, the beginning of the political concept of “educated absolutism.” The thinker became one of the greatest authorities of the French Enlightenment, being highly gifted, universally educated, owning the principles of critical thinking. The aimof this article is to determine the basic principles of the philosophical principle of deism in Voltaire’s creativity and its influence on the formation of the philosophical-historical concept. The tasks of this article are perform an analysis the formation of the deistic worldview of the French thinker, the influences of the philosophy of sensualism and rationalism on the formation of the general foundations of social philosophy of the enlightener. Research methods are principles of unity of historical and logical, dialectical unity of analysis and synthesis, convergence from abstract to concrete, principles of objectivity and systematization. Research results: philosophical worldview of the XVII ‒ early XVIII centuries. had a one-sided character: on the one hand ‒ the philosophy of empiricism, based on knowledge of scientific facts using experimental methods of scientific research, and on the other ‒ rationalist philosophy, which took as primary the original theoretical generalizations. The integral system of philosophical knowledge in the first half of the eighteenth century was absent. Conclusion. The deistic foundations of Voltaire’s philosophical worldview determine not only the ontological and epistemological aspects, but undoubtedly forming the general principles of his philosophy of history, which have an abstract, mostly narrative character. However, the possibilities of a deistic worldview direct the thinker to search for an objective pattern of development of historical knowledge. They usually have a general theoretical value, as well as their practical implementation

Pedagogical and political concept of interaction of Ukraine and Visegrad Group

In the context of globalization and the development of integration processes, the geographical expansion of the European Union, new actors in the system of international relations, in particular regional associations, are acquiring increasing importance. Taking this into account, Ukraine not only declared its intention to join the European Union, but also identified as one of the priorities of its foreign policy course the building up of cooperation with the Visegrad Group countries, with the help of the EU instruments, which form a new architecture of international relations. The main purpose of the article is to review the political and pedagogical concept of interaction with the Visegrad Group. A number of formal-logical, systemic, structural and institutional research methods were applied. As a result, the political and pedagogical side of the concept of interaction with the Visegrad Group was revealed.

La política del Antropoceno: progreso y naturaleza en el Cañón del Sumidero

Based on the author’s fieldwork as a tour guide in the Sumidero Canyon of the Grijalva River in Chiapas, Mexico, this article examines the conceptual limits and possibilities of the term Anthropocene. It shows how the concept helps to highlight issues concerned with a conceptual division made between nature and culture, but also how the breadth of the term and the reference to an epoch can lead to difficulties for anyone wishing to take local histories into account. The article concludes that the Anthropo-cene should be understood above all as a political concept, that corresponds to a broad change in the discourse that has occurred during the last decades, from the idea of progress to an emphasis on nature, and not as a descriptive term.