scholarly journals Disjunctive discourse referents in French Sign Language

2022 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Jeremy David Kuhn

Disjoined noun phrases, like indefinites, may introduce indeterminate discourse referents. Disjunction provides more flexibility in some respects than indefinites, though, as the two disjuncts may bear different morphological features, and a disjunctive discourse referent may have a split antecedent. Sign language, too, has been shown to bear on arguments pertaining to discourse anaphora. Notably, discourse referents may be established at locations in the signing space (loci), closely paralleling the use of variables in dynamic semantics. Here, we compare several theories of disjunctive anaphora and of space in sign language with new data from French Sign Language (LSF). We argue that loci must be mediated by a featural layer that iconically preserves mereological properties.

2020 ◽  
pp. 255-276
Author(s):  
Keir Moulton

Moulton’s ‘Remarks on propositional nominalization’ investigates nominalization at the highest reaches of the extended verbal projection, finite CPs. While CPs can express propositions, Moulton puts forward the novel claim that only nominalization of CPs by a semantically-contentful N can deliver reference to propositional objects. This conclusion is in contrast to the propositional nominalization operations proposed in Chierchia (1984), Potts (2002), and Takahashi (2010). Evidence comes from a correlation between two types of D+CP constructions in Spanish (Picallo, 2002; Serrano, 2014, 2015) and the kind of propositions they can describe. Moulton then shows that a similar pattern arises in the case of exophoric propositional proforms, a novel observation. Putting the two case studies together, the following picture emerges: Natural language does not permit reference to proposition-like objects directly by adding a D to a CP, but only via some content-bearing entity (e.g. Moltmann’s (2013) attitudinal objects). In the case of propositional nominalizations, this entity must come in the form a lexical N; in the case of propositional discourse anaphora, this must come in the form of a discourse referent that bears propositional content, such as an assertion event (Hacquard, 2006). <189>


1996 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria-Elisabeth Conte

Abstract. Anaphoric encapsulation is a cohesive device by which a noun phrase functions as a resumptive paraphrase for a preceding portion of a text. The anaphoric noun phrase is constructed with a general noun as the lexical head and a clear preference for a demonstrative determiner. By anaphoric encapsulation, a new discourse referent is created on the basis of old information; it becomes the argument of further predications. As a semantic integration device, encapsulating noun phrases label preceding text-portions; they appear at nodal points in the text. When the head of the anaphoric noun phrase is an axionym, anaphoric encapsulation may be a strong means of manipulating the reader. Finally, anaphoric encapsulation may also result in the categorization and hypostasis of speech acts and argumentative functions in discourse.


1984 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Cooper

Swedish noun-phrases of the form (Det) (Adj)* N are examined in the light of recent work in generalized phrase-structure grammar. It is argued that simple generalizations about the phrase-structure of these NPs are lost by trying to account for the precise morphological possibilities by using phrase-structure rules mentioning categories marked with morphological features. What could be accounted for by two rules must be broken down into subcases which need seven rules, thereby obscuring the overall syntactic structure of the NPs. An alternative is suggested which maintains the simple syntax which generates morphologically ill-formed NPs but only allows morphologically well-formed ones to be interpreted. It is suggested that this system can be constrained so as to generate only context-free languages.


Author(s):  
Roland Pfau ◽  
Markus Steinbach

In sign languages, just as in many spoken languages, number can be marked on nouns, pronouns, and verbs, and quantifiers are used to specify quantity within noun phrases. The chapter does not address the expression of grammatical number in one specific sign language, but rather describes patterns found in various sign languages, focusing on modality-independent and modality-specific properties of number marking. As for the former, nominal and verbal plurals are commonly realized by reduplication. As for number-marking strategies specific to visual–spatial languages, it is found that sign languages employ the two hands (e.g. lexical plurality), the signing space in front of the signer's body (e.g. plural marking on predicates), and specific reduplication types that are not attested in spoken languages (e.g. sideward reduplication of certain nouns). In addition, the choice of pluralization strategy is determined by modality-specific phonological features, and we are thus dealing with phonologically conditioned allomorphy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 246-304
Author(s):  
Susan R. Easterbrooks

This chapter describes the structures of English and of American Sign Language in proximity to one another so the reader may see similarities and differences when attempting to prepare an instructional sequence. Whereas the previous sections described how to teach language, this section addresses what to teach. Therefore it is a resource chapter the teacher will return to often in designing objectives and instruction. Nouns, noun phrases and advanced nominals, verbs, verb phrases and advanced verb forms, adjectives, adjectival phrases and advanced adjectival forms, adverbs, adverbial phrases and advanced adverbial forms, and negation are examined in depth. The individualized education plan for every deaf and hard-of-hearing learner should list prominently those specific instructional objectives identified as missing through assessment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-273
Author(s):  
Lara Mantovan

Phrase-final lengthening is a quite common prosodic phenomenon, previously accounted for in several spoken and signed languages. This study aims at investigating the prosodic cues produced in correspondence with the final boundary of noun phrases in Italian Sign Language (LIS), analyzing corpus data from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. The quantitative analysis confirms that noun phrases in LIS are affected by phrase-final lengthening (i.e. in noun phrases including one nominal modifier, on average, postnominal modifiers are longer than prenominal ones) and reveals that the various modifier classes show different degrees of sensitivity to this phenomenon. Building on these results, the qualitative analysis explores in detail those modifier classes that show lengthening effects in the corpus: the main consequences in the phonological makeup of signs are insertion of movement repetition, prolonged path movement, final hold accompanied by head nod, and weak prop. The study also offers possible explanations for the fact that quantifiers, ordinals, and determinerlike pointing signs are less sensitive to lengthening effects in the phrase-final boundary, suggesting that particular morphosyntactic factors may come into play.-----------------------------------------------------------------------------EXPLORANDO OS EFEITOS DO ALONGAMENTO EM FINAL EM SINTAGMAS NOMINAIS DA LÍNGUA DE SINAIS ITALIANA (LIS)O alongamento final é um fenômeno prosódico comum, que já foi observado em diversas línguas orais e de sinais. Este estudo tem por objetivo investigar as pistas prosódicas produzidas em correspondência com os limites do sintagma nominal na língua de sinais italiana (LIS), analisando dados quantitativos e qualitativos oriundos de corpus. A análise quantitativa confirma que os sintagmas nominais em LIS são afetados pelo alongamento final (ex: em sintagmas nominais que incluem um modificador nominal, em média, modificadores pós-nominais são mais longos em comparação com os pré-nominais) e revela que as várias classes de modificadores exibem diferentes graus de sensitividade a este fenômeno. A partir dos resultados, a análise qualitativa explora em detalhes as classes de modificadores que demonstram os efeitos do alongamento no corpus: as principais consequências para a constituição fonológica dos sinais são a adição de uma repetição do movimento, um prolongamento da trajetória do movimento, suspensão final acompanhada por um aceno de cabeça e a sustentação fraca do sinal. O estudo traz também possíveis explicações para o fato de que os sinais quantificadores, ordinais e as apontações com função de determinante são menos sensíveis aos efeitos de alongamento nos limites fronteiriços entre os sintagmas, sugerindo que alguns fatores específicos de ordem morfossintática possam estar também em jogo.---Original em inglês.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 341
Author(s):  
Jeremy David Kuhn

Negative concord items are restricted to a narrow set of negative environments: roughly, those that are anti-additive or anti-veridical. These environments share the property that they prevent discourse referents from being introduced.Here, I propose that this is the explanatory property of NC items. NC items are indefinites that flag the fact (in their lexical semantics) that they will fail to introduce a discourse referent. After spelling this out using dynamic semantics, I show that it has number of advantages: (i) It correctly predicts that NC items must appear under a local anti-veridical operator. (ii) If the presupposition that the DR set is empty is made at-issue, we predict negative uses of NC items: exactly what's attested in fragment answers and non-strict concord languages. (iii) It perfectly unites negative concord with recent analyses of other concord phenomena.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
GABI DANON

Cross-linguistically, quantified noun phrases (QNPs) trigger one of four agreement patterns: with the quantifier, with the noun, default agreement, or semantic agreement. This paper focuses on agreement alternations in Hebrew, and argues that they follow not from variations in hierarchical structure but from the availability of multiple means of assigning values to the QNP's features. Building upon the index-concord analysis of Wechsler & Zlatić (2003) and adapting it to the Minimalist framework, it is argued that certain agreement patterns are the result of the quantifier bearing a set of abstract features that do not match its morphologically-triggered ones. Variations in QNP agreement patterns are then argued to be subject to constraints at the interfaces of syntax with both semantics and morphology. Overall, it is claimed that even apparent cases of non-local agreement with non-nominative NPs do not really pose a counterexample to established models of agreement, and that this supports the view that the system of ϕ-features cannot be simply an unstructured bundle of morphological features.


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