scholarly journals Naturalization, Labor and Market: Three Essays by John Locke

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-87
Author(s):  
А.А. Яковлев
Keyword(s):  
Migrant Workers ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Market Prices ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
National Wealth ◽  
Resource Deficit ◽  
The Glorious Revolution ◽  
The Mind

Вниманию читателей предлагается перевод трех эссе Джона Локка (1632–1704), не опубликованных при его жизни и никогда не публиковавшихся в России: «О всеобщей натурализации» (1693), «Труд» (1693) и “Venditio” (1695). Все они написаны в период после Славной революции 1688–1689 годов и затрагивают злободневные политические темы постреволюционной Англии. В результате экономического и финансового кризиса 1690-х годов в стране резко упал уровень жизни и возник дефицит ресурсов, возместить который Локк предполагал за счет труда и мировой торговли. Локк подчеркивает основополагающую роль труда как основы счастья и общего блага. В «совершенствовании ума» он видит способ снижения политической напряженности, а призывая двор отказаться от широко распространенных привычек к роскоши и пустому времяпрепровождению, надеется на то, что личный пример правителя поможет ввести в моду честный труд. Он также выступает против ксенофобии и предлагает доводы, доказывающие безопасность и необходимость натурализации. Несмотря на то что в Билле о натурализации 1693 года имелась в виду прежде всего помощь гугенотам, бежавшим в Англию после отмены Нантского эдикта (1685), Локк рассматривает этот вопрос в более общем плане и говорит о пользе труда любых мигрантов, стремящихся в качестве натурализовавшихся и потому лояльных подданных принять участие в приумножении национального богатства. Аргументы Локка в пользу свободы рыночных цен сопровождаются важными оговорками, подразумевающими традиционные схоластические концепции моральных ограничений рынка, а также милосердия в случаях «абсолютной необходимости». The article presents three essays written by John Locke (1632–1704): “For a General Naturalization” (1693), “Labor” (1693), “Venditio” (1695). The essays were not published during the philosopher’s lifetime and have never been previously translated into Russian. Written in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution (1688–1689), the three essays focus on political issues facing post-revolutionary England. The economic and financial crisis of the 1690s had a direct impact on the living conditions of the population and resulted in resource deficit which Locke planned to overcome by means of labor and international trade. Locke underlines the pivotal role of labor as a prerequisite for common wellbeing. Locke believes that the improvement of the mind is a way to reduce political tension. He maintains that it is essential that courtiers should give up luxurious and degrading habits. He believes that a ruler’s example will promote honest labor. Locke lambasts xenophobia and advocates naturalization. Despite the fact that the Naturalization Act of 1693 granted assistance to Huguenots who fled to England after the repeal of the Edict of Nantes of 1685, Locke treats the issue in a broader sense and advocates that migrant workers willing to become naturalized and loyal to their new country are a great asset in augmenting the national wealth. Promoting free market prices, Locke underlines the necessity of holding to the scholastic concept of economic ethics and of setting standards of fairness and compassion in transactions.

John Locke on the Glorious Revolution: A Rediscovered Document

1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 385-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Farr ◽  
Clayton Roberts
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

scholarly journals MATTHEW TINDAL'SRIGHTS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH(1706) AND THE CHURCH–STATE RELATIONSHIP

2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 717-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
DMITRI LEVITIN
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Legal Tradition ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Christian Church ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Glorious Revolution ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

ABSTRACTMatthew Tindal's Rights of the Christian church (1706), which elicited more than thirty contemporary replies, was a major interjection in the ongoing debates about the relationship between church and state in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century England. Historians have usually seen Tindal's work as an exemplar of the ‘republican civil religion’ that had its roots in Hobbes and Harrington, and putatively formed the essence of radical whig thought in the wake of the Glorious Revolution. But this is to misunderstand theRights. To comprehend what Tindal perceived himself as doing we need to move away from the history of putatively ‘political’ issues to the histories of ecclesiastical jurisprudence, patristic scholarship, and biblical exegesis. The contemporary significance of Tindal's work was twofold: methodologically, it challenged Anglican patristic scholarship as a means of reaching consensus on modern ecclesiological issues; positively, it offered a powerful argument for ecclesiastical supremacy lying in crown-in-parliament, drawing on a legal tradition stretching back to Christopher St Germain (1460–1540) and on Tindal's own legal background. Tindal's text provides a case study for the tentative proposition that ‘republicanism’, whether as a programme or a ‘language’, had far less impact on English anticlericalism and contemporary debates over the church–state relationship than the current historiography suggests.

Locke, John (1632–1704)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Ayers
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
A Priori ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Geometrical Reasoning ◽  
Innate Ideas ◽  
Abstract Ideas ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Right ◽  
Canonical Texts ◽  
The Mind

John Locke was the first of the empiricist opponents of Descartes to achieve comparable authority among his European contemporaries. Together with Newton’s physics, the philosophy of An Essay concerning Human Understanding gradually eclipsed Cartesianism, decisively redirecting European thought. Neoplatonic innatism was replaced with a modest, naturalistic conception of our cognitive capacities, making careful observation and systematic description the primary task of natural inquiry. Locke saw himself as carrying out just such a descriptive project with respect to the mind itself. Theorizing is the construction of hypotheses on the basis of analogies, not penetration to the essences of things by super-sensory means. In religion Locke took a similarly anti-dogmatic line, advocating toleration and minimal doctrinal requirements, notably in Epistola de tolerantia (A Letter concerning Toleration) and The Reasonableness of Christianity. Through his association with the Earl of Shaftesbury he became involved in government, and then in revolutionary politics against Charles II and James II. The latter involvement led to exile, and to Two Treatises of Government, a rejection of patriarchalism and an argument from first principles for constitutional government in the interests of the governed, and for the right of the misgoverned to rebel. Locke published his main works only after the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688. He undertook important governmental duties for a time, and continued to write on many topics, including economics and biblical criticism, until his death. The Essay, Epistola and Second Treatise remain centrally canonical texts. Locke held that all our ideas are either given in experience, or are complex ideas formed from simple ideas so given, but not that all our knowledge is based on experience. He accepted that geometry, for example, is an a priori science, but denied that the ideas which are the objects of geometrical reasoning are innate. ‘Experience’ includes ‘reflection’, that is reflexive awareness of our own mental operations, which Cartesians treated as a way of accessing innate ideas, but which Locke calls ‘internal sense’. To have ideas before the mind is to be perceiving given or constructed sensory or quasi-sensory images – things as perceived by sense. In abstraction, however, we consider only aspects of what is presented: for example, a geometrical proof may consider only aspects of a drawn figure, allowing generalization to all figures similar in just those respects. Universal knowledge is thus perception of a relation between abstract ideas, but we also have immediate knowledge, in sensation, that particular external things are causing ideas in us. This awareness allows us to use the idea as a sign of its external cause: for example, the sensation of white signifies whatever feature of objects causes that sensation. Representation is thus fundamentally causal: causality bridges the gap between reality and ideas. Consequently we have sensitive knowledge of things only through their powers, knowledge of their existence without knowledge of their essence. Each way in which things act on the senses gives rise to a phenomenally simple idea signifying a quality, or power to affect us, in the object. Some simple ideas, those of the ‘primary qualities’, solidity, extension, figure, motion or rest, and number (the list can vary) can be supposed to resemble their causes. Others, ideas of ‘secondary qualities’, colour, smell, taste and so forth, do not. We also form ideas of the powers of objects to interact. Our idea of any sort of substantial thing is therefore complex, including ideas of all the qualities and powers by which we know and define that ‘substance’. Additionally, the idea includes the ‘general idea of substance’, or possessor of the qualities, a placemarker signifying the unknown underlying cause of their union. Locke distinguishes between the general substance, matter, and the ‘particular constitution’ of matter from which flow the observable properties by which we define each sort of substance – gold, horse, iron and so on. This ‘real constitution’ or ‘real essence’ is distinguishable only relatively to our definition or ‘nominal essence’ of the species. Locke extends this conceptualist view of classification to individuation in a famous, still influential argument that a person is individuated, not by an immaterial soul, but by unifying and continuous consciousness. Because their real essences are unknown to us, we are capable only of probable belief about substances, not of ‘science’. In mathematics, however, real essences are known, since they are abstract ideas constructible without reference to reality. So too with ideas of ‘mixed modes’ and ‘relations’, including the ideas of social actions, roles and relationships which supply the subject-matter of a priori sciences concerned with law, natural, social and positive. The three legislators are God, public opinion and government. God’s authority derives from his status as creator, and natural or moral law is his benevolent will for us. Locke’s political theory concerns the authority of governments, which he takes to be, at bottom, the right of all individuals to uphold natural law transferred to a central agency for the sake of its power and impartiality. Economic change, he argues, renders this transfer imperative. In a state of nature, individuals own whatever they have worked for, if they can use it and enough is left for others. But with land-enclosure (which benefits everyone by increasing productivity) and the institution of money (which makes it both possible and morally justifiable to enjoy the product of enclosure) this primitive property-right is transcended, and there is need for an authority to ordain and uphold rules of justice for the benefit of all. Any government, therefore, has a specific trust to fulfil, and should be organized so as best to safeguard this role. A ruler who rules in his own interest forfeits all rights, as a criminal at war with his subjects. Then rebellion is justified self-defence.

JOHN LOCKE, ‘MATTERS INDIFFERENT’, AND THE RESTORATION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 601-621 ◽  
Author(s):  
JACQUELINE ROSE
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Heated Debate ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Glorious Revolution ◽  
The Church

John Locke is famous for his liberal and tolerationist works, published in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution, which attacked the belligerent intolerance of the Restoration Church of England. But his early writings, the Two tracts on government, were composed in the period between 1660 and 1662 when the details of the church settlement were the subject of heated debate. The thought of the young Locke defended an uncompromising settlement which would rigidly enforce uniformity in religious worship and secure the restored monarchy from clerical subversion. Whilst scholars have previously focused on the changes in Locke's thought from royalist Anglicanism to whig toleration, this article focuses on the Tracts in their own right. By placing them in the context of the Restoration debate on adiaphora, ceremonial ‘matters indifferent’, the typicality or otherwise of Locke's early thought can be discerned. This article argues that the legalistic understanding of adiaphora meant that this debate touched on political authority and obedience as well as theological questions, not least because matters indifferent fell under the purview of the monarch as supreme governor of the church.

The “Boast of Antiquity”: Pulpit Politics Across the Atlantic Archipelago during the Revolution of 1688

2014 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 618-649 ◽  
Author(s):  
Newton Key
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
Political Commentary ◽  
Church Of Ireland ◽  
Origin Myths ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

John Locke and many others noted the vibrant political commentary emanating from the pulpit during the Glorious Revolution. Preachers from the full confessional spectrum in England, and especially in Scotland, Ireland, and the colonies, used occasional or state sermons to explain contemporary upheavals from the perspective of God's law, Natural law, and Civil law. Most surprising is the latter, clerical reference to civil history and ancient origins, which preachers used to answer contemporary questions of conquest and allegiance. Clergy revisited the origins and constitutional roots of the Britons, Anglo-Saxons, Scots, and Irish, and deployed histories of legendary kings and imaginary conquests to explain and justify the revolutionary events of 1688–1692. Sermons of this revolutionary era focused as much on civil as on sacred history, and sought their true origins in antiquity and the mists of myth. Episcopalian preachers, whether Church of Ireland, Scottish Episcopalian, or Church of England, seem to have been especially inspired by thanksgiving or fast days memorialized in the liturgical calendar to ponder the meaning of a deep historical narrative. Scots, Irish, and Massachusetts clergy claimed their respective immemorialism, as much as the English did theirs. But, as they re-stated competing Britannic constitutions and origin myths explicitly, they exposed imperial rifts and contradictions within the seemingly united claim of antiquity. By the beginning of the next reign and century, state sermons depended more upon reason and less upon a historicized mythic antiquity.

Locke’s life

2019 ◽  
pp. 9-12
Author(s):  
Georges Dicker
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Oliver Cromwell ◽  
King Charles I ◽  
History Of ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
Political Works ◽  
Publishing Career ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

This chapter is a brief biography of John Locke. It summarizes how his fortunes waxed and waned under the regimes of King Charles I, Oliver Cromwell, King Charles II, King James II, and the “Glorious Revolution,” and it touches on his education at Westminster School and Christ College and on his ties to the Earl of Shaftesbury and to Lady Masham. The chapter also provides a brief history of Locke’s publishing career, including the Essay and political works such as the First Treatise of Government (a critique of the doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings) and the Second Treatise of Government (an outline of the bases for democracy and an influence on the U.S. Constitution).

John Company Armed: The English East India Company, the Anglo-Mughal War and Absolutist Imperialism, c. 1675–1690

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Vaughn
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
South Asian ◽  
East India Company ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Mughal Empire ◽  
Imperial Expansion ◽  
English East India Company ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

During the 1670s and 1680s, the English East India Company pursued an aggressive programme of imperial expansion in the Asian maritime world, culminating in a series of armed assaults on the Mughal Empire. With important exceptions, most scholarship has viewed the Company's coercive imperialism in the later seventeenth century and the First Anglo-Mughal War as the results primarily, if not exclusively, of political and economic conditions in South Asia. This article re-examines and re-interprets this burst of imperial expansion in light of political developments in England and the wider English empire during the later Stuart era. The article contends that the Company's aggressive overseas expansion was pursued for metropolitan and pan-imperial purposes as much as for South Asian ones. The corporation sought to centralise and militarise the English presence in Asia in order both to maintain its control of England's trade to the East and in support of Stuart absolutism. By the eve of the Glorious Revolution, the Company's aggressive imperialism formed part of a wider political project to create an absolute monarchy in England and to establish an autocratic English empire overseas.

The ‘Glorious Revolution’ and the Court in Exile

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret J. M. Ezell
Keyword(s):  
John Dryden ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Poet Laureate ◽  
Jane Barker ◽  
Anne Finch ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

The birth of an heir to King James and Mary of Modena led to a crisis, with allegations that the child was not legitimate. Whig politicians were alarmed by the promotion of openly practicing Catholics in the army and at the court. Upon the invasion by William, the court fled into exile in France, establishing a rival court at St. Germain. While in exile, Jacobite poets including Jane Barker created manuscript volumes of verse and fiction to be published later. In England, supporters of King James including Heneage and Anne Finch retreated from London into a quiet exile in the countryside, and John Dryden was removed from his post as Poet Laureate.

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