Attempts at Reform in the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, Before the First World War

1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 254-262
Author(s):  
Miloslav Kanak
2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Frans-Jos Verdoodt

De Heilige Stoel, d.w.z. het hoogste bestuurslichaam van de Rooms-Katholieke Kerk, toonde tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog in ruime mate begrip voor de verzuchtingen van de Vlaamse beweging. In de ogen van ‘Rome’ waren die verzuchtingen terecht: op grond van hun miskenning in het verleden, verdienden de Vlamingen, na de afloop van de oorlog, een tegemoetkomende houding vanwege de burgerlijke en kerkelijke overheid. Dat de katholieke aartsbisschop Désiré Mercier (1851-1926) die tegemoetkoming radicaal bleef afwijzen, stuitte in Rome nauwelijks op begrip. En dat de kardinaal-aartsbisschop zich daarenboven steeds meer profileerde als het symbool van het verzet tegen de Duitse bezetter versterkte het ongenoegen bij sommige leden van de Romeinse Curie.De Heilige Stoel mocht dan wel oordelen dat de Vlaamse Kwestie na de oorlog moest worden beslecht, zolang die oorlog woedde, wenste men een pragmatisch standpunt in te nemen: de bezetting was beslist een kwaad, maar daarom diende men nog niet op te roepen tot een burgeroorlog.__________ Roma locuta, causa finita? The Holy See, that is to say, the highest administrative body of the Roman Catholic Church, demonstrated a broad understanding for the aspirations of the Flemish Movement during the First World War. In the eyes of ‘Rome’ these aspirations were just: on account of the poor treatment that they had received in the past, the Flemings deserved an accommodating attitude from the civil and ecclesiastical authorities after the end of the war. The fact that Catholic archbishop Désiré Mercier (1851-1926) remained radically opposed to this accommodation was met with bewilderment in Rome. What’s more, the fact that the Cardinal-Archbishop also began to present himself more and more as the symbol of resistance to the German occupier strengthened the displeasure among some members of the Roman Curia.The Holy See could certainly proclaim that the Flemish Question needed to be settled after the war; so long as the war raged they wanted to take a pragmatic point of view: the occupation was certainly wicked, but still, one did not have to call for a civil war on its account.


Balcanica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 245-259
Author(s):  
Maxim Vasiljevic

The present study gives us an opportunity to look at the Christian heritage that the Serbian immigrants brought to the new land of Americas through the examples of Mihailo Pupin and Nikolai Velimirovic, Bishop of Zica, since these two names are indelibly inscribed in the history of the so-called Serbica Americana. The paper is divided into two sections dealing specifically with their Serbianism and Americanism to show that a distribution of love and loyalty between their native and adopted country functioned in a fruitful way. Based on a detailed analysis of their writings, the author suggests that Serbians and Americans remember Pupin and Velimirovic because they enjoy the benefits of their remarkable contributions. The following aspects of Pupin?s and Nikolai?s lives are examined: their deep concern with the fate of Serbia during and after the First World War; their leading roles among the Serbs in the United States through their assistance in establishing Serbian churches and communities, through their scholarship funds, philanthropic work, etc. Their genuine care for Serbia and Serbs was in no way an obstacle in their adjustment to their adopted country.


Author(s):  
Amanda M. Nagel

In the midst of the long black freedom struggle, African American military participation in the First World War remains central to civil rights activism and challenges to systems of oppression in the United States. As part of a long and storied tradition of military service for a nation that marginalized and attempted to subjugate a significant portion of US citizens, African American soldiers faced challenges, racism, and segregation during the First World War simultaneously on the home front and the battlefields of France. The generations born since the end of the Civil War continually became more and more militant when resisting Jim Crow and insisting on full, not partial, citizenship in the United States, evidenced by the events in Houston in 1917. Support of the war effort within black communities in the United States was not universal, however, and some opposed participation in a war effort to “make the world safe for democracy” when that same democracy was denied to people of color. Activism by organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) challenged the War Department’s official and unofficial policy, creating avenues for a larger number of black officers in the US Army through the officers’ training camp created in Des Moines, Iowa. For African American soldiers sent to France with the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF), the potential for combat experience led to both failures and successes, leading to race pride as in the case of the 93rd Division’s successes, and skewed evidence for the War Department to reject increasing the number of black officers and enlisted in the case of the 92nd Division. All-black Regular Army regiments, meanwhile, either remained in the United States or were sent to the Philippines rather than the battlefields of Europe. However, soldiers’ return home was mixed, as they were both celebrated and rejected for their service, reflected in both parades welcoming them home and racial violence in the form of lynchings between December 1918 and January 1920. As a result, the interwar years and the start of World War II roughly two decades later renewed the desire to utilize military service as a way to influence US legal, social, cultural, and economic structures that limited African American citizenship.


2018 ◽  
pp. 15-51
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Conner

This chapter looks at the establishment of the ABMC and the history of American cemeteries and monuments in Europe. During the First World War, in a span of about seven months, America left more than 75,000 American soldiers dead in Europe. Torn between bringing the soldiers home and the expense of doing so, the U.S. government allowed the families to decide the fates of their fallen loved ones. Two parties arose from the controversy over whether the fallen soldiers should be brought home or left in American cemeteries abroad. The “Bring Home the Soldier Dead League” wanted the former, and the “Field of Honor Association” wanted the latter. Most of the soldiers’ bodies were shipped home to America, but in 1920-1921, eight permanent cemetery sites were designated in Europe: Suresnes, Romagne, Belleau Wood, Bony, Brookwood, Fère-en-Tardenois, Thiaucourt, and Waregem. In addition to the American cemeteries, it was also decided that American monuments would be erected in Europe. General Pershing emerged as the “chief of national remembrance” for the United States, and the first chairman of the ABMC.


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