scholarly journals Post-Cold War United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: A Review of the Case for a Hybrid Level 2+ Medical Treatment Facility: Commentary

2015 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lieutenant Colonel Ralph Jay Johnson
1996 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Mortimer

The phenomenon of state breakdown in the post-cold war era has significantly increased the demand for peacekeeping operations around the world. The United Nations has stepped boldly into the breach, considerably expanding its interventions in hotspots on all continents. Yet the capacity of the UN to respond is often uncertain, and this has sparked interest in the concept of regional peacekeeping as an alternative, especially since the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) deployed the Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog) to stem the ravages of civil war in Liberia.


Author(s):  
Yosuke Nagai

The security-development nexus has become one of the most important agendas especially in the field of peacebuilding in response to urgent needs in complex humanitarian assistance in war-torn areas. With the changing dynamics of conflict since the end of the Cold War, recent peacebuilding efforts have employed a combination of security and development paradigm to ameliorate severe human rights situations in different contexts. In particular, the functionality of security-development nexus has been well observed in post-conflict scenarios where broader state-building, institutional, security, and governance-related reforms were implemented to ensure sustainable peace processes. In addition, it has been criticized in terms of the imposed liberal values. This article critically analyzes the security-development nexus and attempts to examine how and why the nexus has become essential to the post-Cold War peacebuilding framework. It further elucidates the role of the United Nations (UN) as the leading actor in peacebuilding operations, especially in the form of UN Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) which have played a significant role in establishing and consolidating peace in various conflict-ridden societies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 1157-1185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allard Duursma ◽  
John Gledhill

Previous research has suggested that leaders of democratic regimes are particularly willing to contribute troops to United Nations peacekeeping operations because backing ‘liberal’ peacekeeping allows them to support the diffusion of liberal institutions. However, evidence used to sustain this argument is based on contribution patterns during the decade of peacekeeping that followed the Cold War. In this article, we argue that there has been a reversal in the relative willingness of democratic and non-democratic governments to provide the United Nations with peacekeepers since then. Specifically, we propose that the introduction of more ‘robust’ forms of peacekeeping during the 1990s has rendered democratic governments reluctant to contribute large numbers of peacekeepers to United Nations operations because elected leaders are now concerned that voters may object to the deployment of national troops to high-risk humanitarian missions in which there is no clear national interest. By contrast, non-democratic leaders partly discount public opinion because they are less reliant on popular support to retain power. Thus, when non-democrats see that contributing troops to United Nations peacekeeping will bring them reputational and/or resource benefits, they are willing to contribute peacekeepers — and on a large scale. We test our claims quantitatively. We find that since the 1990s, democratic governments have remained more likely than non-democrats to contribute some troops to United Nations peacekeeping operations, but non-democratic governments have been more likely to make large-scale contributions. We also find that governments have been especially reluctant to make sizeable contributions to peacekeeping when elections have been on the horizon.


2018 ◽  
Vol 164 (6) ◽  
pp. 414-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongqiang Zhao ◽  
X Ma ◽  
Y Li ◽  
Q Fu

ObjectivesAs part of the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali, the People’s Republic of China have deployed a level 2 medical treatment facility (CHN L2). The aim of this study was to review the cases managed by the otolaryngology service within this facility.MethodsThe medical records of all patients treated by the otolaryngology service at the CHN L2 from 1 March 2015 to 1 March 2018 were retrospectively assessed.Results614/10189 (6%) of all cases seen in the hospital during this period were referred to the otolaryngology service. 7/614 cases required admission to hospital (1.14%) and 40/614 cases required surgery (6.51%). 3/40 cases requiring surgery (7.5%) were performed under general anaesthesia and 37 cases (92.5%) were under local anaesthesia. The most common surgical treatment was facial soft-tissue injury debridement and closure. Acute rhinosinusitis was the most common diagnosis, followed by acute pharyngitis and allergic rhinitis. Four patients required medical evacuation to a level 3 medical treatment facility.ConclusionsDisease non-battle injury in the form of ear disease was the most common presentation. Maxillofacial soft-tissue injury was the most common cause of traumatic injury. There were limits that the service could provide in terms of medical equipment and consumables, necessitating increased training of otolaryngologists prior to deployment.


Born in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book's claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume includes chapters on the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document