Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka through Constitutional Arrangements

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.

The Involvement of UN in Palestine and the Possibility of a Global Protection Force

The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are mandated to help nations torn by conflict and create conditions for sustainable peace. These peacekeeping operations hold legitimacy under international law and the ability to deploy troops to advance multidimensional domains. Peacekeeping operations are called upon to maintain peace and security, promote human rights, assist in restoring the rule of law, and help conflict-prone areas create conditions for sustainable peace ("What is Peacekeeping", n.d.). These missions are formed and mandated according to individual cases. The evolution of the global security environment and developing situations in conflictridden areas requires these missions to transform from 'traditional' to 'robust' to 'hybrid', accordingly (e.g., Ishaque, 2021). So why is it that no such model can be seen in restoring peace and protection of Palestinian civilians in one of the most protracted and deadly conflicts in history?

Securitization of the Troubled Afghan Peace Process and the Role of Pakistan

Following the 9/11 attacks, the national security policies — notably of the Western nations — have taken a fundamental shift towards viewing vulnerable and unstable states, such as Afghanistan, as security threats. The strategic interference of the United States and its allies, for state-building in Afghanistan, not only failed in achieving its intended outcomes but also brought untold suffering and severe repercussions to the Afghan people. The major powers involved in the post-9/11 war against terror in Afghanistan — particularly the United States — had to bear heavy costs in terms of capital, materials, and lives. Being a neighbor of Afghanistan and a responsible state committed to peace in the region, Pakistan has made genuine and consistent efforts to promote a peace process that is Afghan-owned and Afghan-led, in order to bring sustainable peace and stability to Afghanistan. Using the post 9/11 U.S. mission as an example, this article analyzes how the securitization of development has affected the peace process in Afghanistan. The securitization theory of the Copenhagen School is used as a basis to explain the dynamics of the peace process (led by the United States) with the Taliban.

Effect of Peace Interventions on Students’ Peacebuilding Attitudes at Secondary School Level

It is the need of the hour to incorporate peace promotion as one of the significant features of the educational institutions in Pakistan. The present study explores the impact of a peace promotion intervention, with control and experimental groups, in order to understand if specific planned activities can significantly improve the peacebuilding attitudes of students. The study is experimental in nature, administering a pre-test and a post-test for both the control and experimental groups. Two equal samples (n=69) of 10th-grade (secondary school) students were selected — using a random sampling technique — for the control and experimental groups. The results of this study indicated that peace interventions — comprising games, hands-on activities, and dialogues — contributed significantly to improving the peace-building attitudes of the students in the experimental group. In addition, the female students of the experimental group exhibited a greater improvement in their peace building attitudes in the post-test phase as compared to their male counterparts. Furthermore, the study also reveals that the female students in the control group also depicted improvement in the post-test. This research presents implications for policymakers and educationists that need to be considered when introducing peace promotion activities into the (secondary) school curriculum. This article argues that practical activities — targeted to inculcate peaceful behavior in the students — can serve as important tools in establishing an environment of peace in society in general.

Global Geopolitical Dynamics and Prospects for Afghanistan’s Regional Connectivity

This article focuses on postulating Afghanistan in the context of geopolitics and its role as a regional ‘connector’ in the emerging global scenario. With the shift in geopolitics, the indicators of the New Great Game also suggest the emerging role of Afghanistan in the context of regional connectivity. However, the discordant society of Afghanistan, the paradoxical nature of domestic politics, and the deteriorating security situation in the country remain vital challenges in this regard. Nevertheless, this article argues that the ‘resetting’ of the international and regional politics provides a broader scope for Afghanistan, in becoming a regional transit and connectivity hub for South and Central Asia to Europe and Middle East. Through intra-regional trade and transit, this connectivity will not only ensure political and economic stability of Afghanistan but will also contribute to establishing sustainable peace in the country. In doing so, the article examines various regional developmentalprojects to explore the potential role of Afghanistan, following the U.S. withdrawal, towards regional peace and stability. Furthermore, it contributes to signifying the political and economic integration of Afghanistan within the region. It concludes that peace and stability are necessary milestones to be achieved for Afghanistan to serve as a ‘regional connectivity hub’.

Violent Conflicts and ‘Early Warning and Risk Analysis’ in Post Covid-19: An Analytical Framework

Covid-19 has exacerbated violence in Kashmir, Syria, Palestine, and Afghanistan. Direct and structural violence, through discriminatory policies, has increased the risk of the humanitarian crisis in Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. A few examples of this include the communication blockade in the Indian occupied Kashmir [IOK] and Palestine, supply of expired Covid vaccines to Palestine by Israel, and no provision of vaccination for the Balukhali Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh. During Covid-19, these communities have also been suffering due to insufficient health care facilities besides violence. Considering that the international community invests substantially to develop Early Warning and Risk Analysis (EWRA; such as hotline communication between rival states) to gauge the 'traditional military threats' related to the nuclear states. This study focuses on developing a customized EWRA that can help countries prevent the vulnerabilities of violent conflicts during Covid-19. It argues that EWRA only helps prevent a violent conflict but does not aim to provide solutions to the conflicts. The article takes a generic approach to violent conflicts, building on how Covid-19 has increased direct and structural violence in those areas. The study, with a qualitative exploratory approach, offers unique contribution to the literature. First, it is an original contribution to the literature on conflict prevention as no EWRA is suggested to deal with the combined threats of Covid-19 and violent conflicts. Second, it evolves a discussion on paradigm shifts from geo-politics/geo-economics (during post 9-11 era) to geo-humanism in the postCovid-19 period.

UN Peacekeeping in Africa: A Critical Examination and Recommendations for Improvement by Kwame Akonor

The book titled ‘UN Peacekeeping in Africa: A Critical Examination and Recommendations for Improvement’, authored by Kwame Akonor,2 lays out a significant overview of the UN peace operations in the African region. The argument of this book revolves around those circumstances where the peacekeepers themselves become the perpetrators of crime; thereby, this book represents the ‘dark side’ of the U.N. peacekeeping, which remains a fundamental problem in jeopardizing the future of peacekeeping. By reviewing the reports and publications on UN Preventing Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (PSEA),3 Akonor discusses four factors regarding why abuses occur and why the abusers barely face criminal prosecution. The paramount factor in the book is the prevailing hyper-masculinity in the military culture and the tendency to protect each other against civilian complaints. The other two factors include the economic deprivation and variation in the legal and cultural system among the Troop Contributing Countries (TCC). Finally, the physical and psychological repercussions of conflict on civilians expose them to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA).

Pakistan’s Peacekeeping Contribution to United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA): Lessons Learnt

Barely two decades into its creation as a nation-state, Pakistan embraced a pragmatic foreign policy, least expected of a newly crafted state, grappling with how best to mark a niche within the comity of nations (Bakare, 2018). Since 1960, when its first peacekeepers were deployed to Congo, peacekeeping has been pursued vehemently as an integral part of Pakistan’s foreign policy for the fulfilment of its national interest (Bakare, 2018; Kiani, 2004; Meiske and Ruggeri, 2017; Yamin, 2017). As one of the largest Troop Contributing Countries (TCC), its peacekeeping contributions in different conflict zones, especially in Africa, cannot be underestimated. It has contributed over 200,000 troops deployed in 28 countries in 46 missions. Since the indelible and heroic contribution to the United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II ) — 1993 (Yamin, 2019), Pakistan has never relented in marking significant footprints through peacekeeping in Africa.

UN Peacekeeping during Health Crises: Covid-19 and Expansion of Mission Mandates

The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are increasingly deployed in highly complex environments, working towards realizing global peace and security. The missions face numerous challenges ranging from socio-economic dimensions to even political hurdles. Among these challenges, the role of peacekeepers during health crises calls for in-depth exploration. With the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the need for contextualizing peacekeeping amid health crises is receiving utmost attention. This essay looks at this challenge, notably during the outbreaks of HIV/AIDS, Cholera, Ebola, and the ongoing pandemic (i.e., Covid-19). It briefly analyzes the impacts experienced and the role played by peacekeepers during the times of these outbreaks. The essay also explores the need for „transformation‟ of peacekeeping missions to counter the challenges posed by health crises. It highlights how globalization has caused the „globalized‟ nature of diseases, and therefore thereis an urgent need for exploration and adoption of policies concerning this issue. The essay also suggests some of these potential measures that may equip the peacekeeping missions to fulfil their mandated tasks effectively. It also points towards the gaps in the literature, whose exploration may contribute towards realizing health crises within the broader roles of the peacekeeping mandates.

Belt and Road Initiative in Central Asia and its Implications for Pakistan

China has been developing new commercial tracks worldwide to make its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) productive and to physically and economically link the neighboring CARs with itself. In this regard, China has been taking collaborative actions towards CARs to establish business linkages and building forward-looking infrastructure. Reciprocally, the welcoming gestures of the CARs towards these arrangements are becoming conspicuous. On the contrary, the West calls it Chinese efforts to put CARs in a strategic loop by helping their ailing economy. This paper, therefore, attempts to explore the advancement of BRI and the responses of the Central Asian Republics (CARs) towards this new development. In addition, the evolving situation shows that increasing partnership between the CARs and China significantly impacts the foreign and domestic policies of Pakistan because ChinaPakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is aligned with the BRI policy documents. Consequently, any new development in BRI will have substantial trickle-down effects on Pakistan. In this context, this article further examines the impact of the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB), as a core of BRI, on Pakistan. henceforth, the article reviews regional connectivity projects under BRI and calculates the potential impact of BRI on the political, economic, and societal spheres of Pakistan.