Popular Politics, Civil Society and Social Movements

Author(s):  
Courtney Freer

This chapter provides a critical background on the country cases by examining their brief political histories as independent states. It also gives critical information about the legal frameworks of such states to highlight where and how Islamist groups can act in these states. By providing such descriptions, this chapter demonstrates the extent to which these states, in regime or popular politics, either adhere or fail to adhere to the government type and political environment normally associated with the rentier state. The chapter also reveals critical commonalities among the super-rentier states—they are governed by powerful ruling families; institutionalized political life is hampered; and civil society and political life remain largely informal—while also indicating their differences, which arose in light of their differing sociocultural and economic backgrounds.


Author(s):  
Alejandro Milcíades Peña

The chapter discusses the relationship between social movements and peaceful change. First, it reviews the way this relationship has been elaborated in IR constructivist and critical analyses, as part of transnational activist networks, global civil society, and transnational social movements, while considering the blind sides left by the dominant treatment of these entities as positive moral actors. Second, the chapter reviews insights from the revolution and political violence literature, a literature usually sidelined in IR debates about civil society, in order to cast a wider relational perspective on how social movements participate in, and are affected by, interactive dynamic processes that may escalate into violent outcomes at both local and international levels.


2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (03) ◽  
pp. 97-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sujatha Fernandes

Abstract Since President Hugo Chávez came to power in Venezuela in 1998, ordinary women from the barrios, or shantytowns, of Caracas have become more engaged in grassroots politics; but most of the community leaders still are men. Chávez's programs are controlled by male-dominated bureaucracies, and many women activists still look to the president himself as the main source of direction. Nevertheless, this article argues, women's increasing local activism has created forms of popular participation that challenge gender roles, collectivize private tasks, and create alternatives to male-centric politics. Women's experiences of shared struggle from previous decades, along with their use of democratic methods of popular control, help prevent the state from appropriating women's labor. But these spaces coexist with more vertical, populist notions of politics characteristic of official sectors of Chavismo. Understanding such gendered dimensions of popular participation is crucial to analyzing urban social movements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murad Nasibov

This article tries to conceptually lay down the troubled relations between civil society and social movements within authoritarian regimes. This is done by, first, bringing clarity to the conceptual relationship between civil society and social movement and, then, applying it to the authoritarian context, still theoretically. Following the “hints” of the Eastern European intellectuals of the late 1970s and the 1980s and building on the appropriation of Durkheim’s differentiation between mechanical solidarity and organic solidarity, the article distinguishes two types of solidarity: associative solidarity and action and collective solidarity and action. Civil society is proposed to emerge on associative solidarities (and their actions), while social movements build on collective solidarities (and their actions). Furthermore, associative and collective actions are identified to be progressive and transgressive, respectively. Consequently, the proposed theoretical account is applied theoretically to the authoritarian context and several hypotheses are proposed on the relationship between civil society and pro-democracy movement within authoritarian regimes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 393-421
Author(s):  
Radhika Jagtap

There is some significance attached to the role that local-level collective action plays in reimagining global structures like international law. A theoretical assessment of this idea could be done through a merger between the utopian analysis of international law and critical approaches to the discipline which now identify categories like social movements as contemporary modes of transformation. Social movements like the ‘Save Niyamgiri’ movement in India could be seen as a local level catalyst for rethinking, restructuring, and resisting mainstream international law. The paper intends to place the Dongria peoples’ narratives as a utopia of resistance. This utopia is a collective of epistemologies that emanate from their imagination and spirituality, making critical statements on the global politics that favour dystopian versions of domestic and international law. The paper looks into the way the Dongria peoples’ imagination was received and recognised by institutions including the Supreme Court of India and other civil society actors which led to the successful internationalisation of the movement. It develops a sense of the need for international law to look into the local mobilisations surrounding anti-mining resistance and politics of forest rights and concludes with the contention that a transformation of international law also means the redefining of the human condition.


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