Taxes in the Time of Revolution: An Experimental Test of the Rentier State during Algeria's Hirak

In this paper we examine the rentier thesis that a state's control over oil resources should help it resist calls for democratization. During Algeria's mass mobilization for regime change known as the Hirak in 2019, we implemented an interactive experimental treatment providing specific information about the Algerian government's high subsidies of gasoline and low value-added taxes with regional comparisons. Based on a sample of 5,968 Algerians, we find that when Algerians learn about their country's relatively high level of fuel subsidies and low level of taxes, their assessments of the government's performance improves; however, we do not see similar patterns for respondents' expressed intention to join the protests due to treatment heterogeneity defined by respondent wealth. Wealthier respondents report lower protest intentions upon learning about the scope of the rentier state, whereas poorer respondents report much higher protest intentions upon receiving the treatment. As a result, we find that the rentier state may be capable of improving perceptions of regime performance, yet still permit mass mobilization if there are class differences in the perceived benefits derived from redistribution.

Aszimmetrikus kereskedelmi kapcsolatok az olasz-líbiai viszonylatban

Olaszországot és Líbiát szoros kapcsolatok fűzik egymáshoz a gazdasági biztonság területén, ez azonban nincs a tudományos kutatások középpontjában. Az aszimmetrikus gazdasági kapcsolatok a nagyobb állam számára politikai befolyást is biztosíthatnak. Az olasz–líbiai kereskedelmi kapcsolatok nagy részét a líbiai kőolaj és földgáz Olaszországba való exportja teszi ki, aminek a mennyisége 2011 óta jelentősen csökkent. Az ENI a legnagyobb külföldi szereplő Líbiában, így az ottani olasz befolyás egyik letéteményese. Az energiahordozók kereskedelme terén nincs olyan erős aszimmetria a bilaterális kapcsolatokban, mint az egyéb termékek terén, hiszen Líbia egy úgynevezett rentier state, így az Olaszországba irányuló szállításra szüksége van. A kereskedelmi kapcsolatok egyéb területein erős aszimmetria van Olaszország irányába, bár az arab tavasz óta líbiai piaci részesedése csökkent.

On the Limits of Rentier State Theory: An epistemological Insight

For decades, The rentier state theory has provided the most popular explanations for the sociopolitical dynamics in the Arab Gulf states, however, due to the rapid transformations in the Gulf societies in recent years, the theory went under severe critiques especially after its failure to predict the emergence of a new Gulf social contract after the oil crisis of 2014. This essay has tried to shed the light on one of the missing dimensions of these critiques by arguing that this failure might have occurred because the rentier state theory adhered to an obsolete epistemological paradigm of modernity that was incapable of dealing with such a complex social phenomenon from the beginning. Also, seeking epistemic healing, the essay highlighted the most recent shift in the philosophy of science toward a complexity paradigm and referred to its potentials to exceed the limits of the rentier paradigm.

Advanced Sultanism: A Category Emerges

The first of two summary discussions, this chapter begins by assessing the extent to which MBS and MBZ’s regimes converge or diverge with other examples of contemporary sultanism. With regard to convergence, it notes: their political patronage networks; their dominance over economic affairs; the extent to which their extended families have served as surrogates for ruling parties; their tightening up of almost all civil society and media organizations; their increasing control over military forces and security services (including the development of more potent praetorian guards); the apparently non-ideological nature of their regimes; and—with some caveats—their erection of personal charismatic façades. With regard to divergence, it notes: Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s relatively well-performing health and education systems; their advances in women’s access to education and health; their fairly positive economic development indicators; their strong global economic integration; and what seems to have been a genuine reduction in corruption. Seeking to explain these divergences, the chapter suggests that Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s rentier state legacies combined with their continuing use of Western and other advanced economy consultants are key to understanding MBS and MBZ’s more ‘advanced’ strain of sultanism. In this context, ‘advanced sultanism’ is posited as an important new sub-set of contemporary sultanism.

Advanced Sultanism: A Broader Debate

The second of two summary discussions, this chapter firstly assesses the likely longevity and stability of MBS and MBZ’s ‘advanced sultanates’. In particular, it notes their apparent strength, while also considering possible dangers they may face alongside some of the more peaceful forms of activity that could also result in regime change. Secondly, it contemplates the possibilities for such advanced sultanism to replicate elsewhere in the world. In particular, it notes that replication may prove difficult (though not impossible) in other contemporary sultanates given their lack of rentier state legacies and poorer access to advanced economies and consultants Nonetheless, it notes that MBS and MBZ may seek to promote—or perhaps diffuse—repressive aspects of their regimes elsewhere in the region, especially if Saudi and UAE diplomatic support and economic aid can be tied to the adoption of MBS and MBZ’s signature policies. Finally, the chapter discusses the relevance of MBS and MBZ’s advanced sultanism to several broader issues, including: the debate on Islam’s supposed incompatibility with capitalism (which their regimes seem to contradict); the prospects for modernization theory (which their regimes also seem to contradict); and--more philosophically--the extent which their regimes may complicate global intellectual support for monarchy.

Halal logistics in a rentier state: an observation

PurposeBrunei Darussalam, a rentier state, aims to be one of the leading nations in the global halal industry, and logistics play a key role in realising the goal. However, even though logistics is a vital aspect of the halal supply chain, little is known about the halal logistics scene in Brunei. Therefore, this paper aims to discuss and uncover the various strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats surrounding the country's halal logistics sector.Design/methodology/approachThe paper employs a subjective environmental scanning approach and a SWOT analysis technique through the author's observation of Brunei's halal logistics ecosystem from both intrinsic and extrinsic lenses.FindingsThe paper argues that substantial institutional support is an apparent strength, but the lack of halal logistics experts is a distinct weakness. Meanwhile, the growing use of technology presents an opportunity for the industry, but formidable regional competition poses a significant threat.Research limitations/implicationsDespite the paper's qualitative approach, insights from it could offer a better understanding of halal logistics in Brunei and serve a platform for future research endeavours.Originality/valueBeing a rentier state that depends on a non-renewable source, this paper offers an alternative strategy to diversify the economy and venture into the halal economy.

Refinancing the Rentier State: Welfare, Inequality, and Citizen Preferences toward Fiscal Reform in the Gulf Oil Monarchies

Against the backdrop of fiscal reform efforts in Middle East oil producers, this article proposes a general framework for understanding how citizens relate to welfare benefits in the rentier state and then tests some observable implications using original survey data from the quintessential rentier state of Qatar. Using two novel choice experiments, we ask Qataris to choose between competing forms of economic subsidies and state spending, producing a clear and reliable ordering of welfare priorities. Expectations derived from the experiments about the individual-level determinants of rentier reform preferences are then tested using data from a follow-up survey. Findings demonstrate the importance of non-excludable public goods, rather than private patronage, for upholding the rentier bargain.