E-Totem, Digital Locative Media to Support E-Participation in Cities

The relationship between governments and their citizens has changed with the rise of ICTs. Even if these changes can strengthen the active role of society in the control and participation of public administration, there is a risk that this process can increase exclusion especially in developing countries, mainly because a large part of the population does not have access at all times to the facilities and services provided by ICTs. This article describes e-Totem, a software and hardware platform produced to support inclusive e-participation in large cities. It is also described three popular participation initiatives implemented using the platform, from which hundreds of thousands of citizen interactions were obtained from the platform. e-Totem is customized to be inclusive and suitable for use in such a wide variety of scenarios as well as being used by such a significant volume of people.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau on the Separation of Powers in Federal Polity and “Wills of Nation”

The problem of this article is built around the tension between the concept of organ sovereignty and democracy theory. First of all, this vision of sovereignty fails to describe the diverse forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. It speaks very sparingly of the people as a political actor. Moreover, the concept of organ sovereignty does not provide the theoretical resources to describe the intermediary bodies in the space between the state and the individual. The tradition of liberal democracy emphasises the importance of such bodies for maintaining popular control over state. Also, the idea of organ sovereignty, by reducing all power to a single legislature, ignores the demand for self-government coming from communities located within the same state and yet united by a certain collective identity. Today, democracy theorists are turning to the concepts of federalism in order to overcome the above-mentioned limitations set by the concept of organ sovereignty. So far, however, the concepts of federalism have not been very convincing in describing the various forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. Above all, they have failed to consistently justify the existence of multiple decision-making centres within a single polity. The article argues that the model of the federal polity proposed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his later work “Considerations on the mode of government in Poland” explains how within one polity multiple centres of collective decision-making can coexist. The model also provides an understanding of how citizen participation in multiple decision-making centres can be organised.

A Dynamic Theory of Populism in Power

The relationship between populism and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Some believe that populism is inherently bad for democracy because it is anti-pluralist and confrontational. Others argue that populism can reinvigorate worn-out democracies in need of an infusion of greater popular participation. This book advances this debate by examining the empirical relationship between populism in power and democracy. Does populism in power always lead to regime change, that is, the demise of democracy? The answer is no. The impact of populism on democracy depends on the variety of populism in power: the worst outcomes in democratic governance are found under unconstrained populism. This book discusses the conditions that explain how populism becomes unconstrained, and advances a dynamic theory of change that shows how the late victories of populists build on early ones, resulting in greater power asymmetries. The book analyzes five populist presidencies in the Andes. In four of them (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela), populism became unconstrained and regime change followed. In one case, Colombia, populism in power was contained and democracy survived. The concluding chapter places the Andean cases in comparative perspective and discusses how unconstrained populism in other cases (Nicaragua and Hungary) also lead to the end of electoral democracy. Where populism in power was constrained (Honduras and the United States), regime change did not materialize. This book advances a theory of populism that help us understand how democracies transition into non-democracies. To that extent, the book illuminates the processes of democratic erosion in our time.

Reading the Rejection of Saul Politically

The rejection of Saul contributes to a pro-Davidic ideology via justification from divine violence and the evidence for divine attachments to Davidic kings. The rejection of Saul also propounds a rejection of an ideology of northern kingship that includes popular participation and support for the monarchy. There are connections between Saul and Jeroboam in 1 Kgs 11–14 and Ahab in 1 Kgs 20:42; and the Assyrian crisis is a likely context for the development of the ideology in these texts. By contrast, in a southern ideology of kingship, the king does not listen to the people except to listen to their cases; the king, not prophet, establishes mishpat, or judgement; and the king protects the people but does not spare enemies.

Discussion on São Paulo Mobility Plans

Since urbanization rising and urban demographic increase, urban transportation has been an important life quality aspect and a strategic decision for cities. Mobility seems to follow citizens' behavior and be influenced by urban cultural changes at the same pace it influences back the city routine and resident’s conduct. The discussion around the future of mobility gained new magnitude nowadays since some sort of vehicles have proved themselves as the cause of significant environmental impact, while others showed themselves as alternatives of low impact for different reasons – from quality public transportation to individual transport with minimized emissions. The city of São Paulo in Brazil published its Master Plan in 2014 and its Mobility Plan in 2015, analyzing the current situation and proposing a future for the city’s transportation system. This paper intends to analyze both plans, construe the popular participation in their formulation and application, discuss how data and strategy were presented and whether they are aligned with other countries’ thinking on the subject. As a city of over 10 million inhabitants, in a Metropolitan Region of 39 cities with over 20 million inhabitants, the transportation system of São Paulo is not an easy or single-solution issue. It is known the need for a combination of different transportation modes, requiring likewise new visions for all methods. Owing to the fact that modes complete each other and, in that manner, may reach a wider range of options for the population to plan daily life, then a system with a great variety of modes ensures the best functioning of them all. This paper focuses on an outsider view that searches for answers and solutions on the São Paulo transportation system, having as a base what is considered outstanding in the world for this issue.

Constitution-making: The round table model, popular participation & constituent assemblies

<p>In this paper, I will argue that the round table model is the ideal constitution making process. This is primarily because it gives clarity to the respective powers of the institutions involved in the process, and may prevent a dominant group or individual from unilaterally imposing a constitution. In building my argument, I outline the theory of constituent power and its corollaries of unlimited constitution making power and popular participation. I endeavour to portray the shortcomings of the theory itself, and, the dangers of its practical manifestation. Following this, I introduce the round table model as a preferable alternative, both theoretically and practically. To buttress my argument, I examine the Bolivian, Venezuelan, Russian and South African constitution making episodes.</p>

Constitution-making: The round table model, popular participation & constituent assemblies

<p>In this paper, I will argue that the round table model is the ideal constitution making process. This is primarily because it gives clarity to the respective powers of the institutions involved in the process, and may prevent a dominant group or individual from unilaterally imposing a constitution. In building my argument, I outline the theory of constituent power and its corollaries of unlimited constitution making power and popular participation. I endeavour to portray the shortcomings of the theory itself, and, the dangers of its practical manifestation. Following this, I introduce the round table model as a preferable alternative, both theoretically and practically. To buttress my argument, I examine the Bolivian, Venezuelan, Russian and South African constitution making episodes.</p>

Popular Political Participation in the Late Roman Republic

<p>Roman democracy is in fashion. In particular, the publication of Fergus Millar's The Crowd in the Late Republic (1998) has stimulated debate on the democratic elements in Roman government during this period. In this thesis I examine the nature of popular participation in the late Roman Republic. I focus on the decision-making power of the populus Romanus and popular pressure to effect reform in the favour of citizens outside the senatorial and equestrian orders. My findings are based on analysis of ancient literary and epigraphic sources, along with a critique of modern research on the topic. The first chapter introduces the subject with a survey of current scholarly opinion and discussion of key concepts and terms. Chapter Two investigates how power was shared between senatus populusque Romanus and the distribution of power in the assemblies, concluding that participation was widespread as a result of the changing circumstances in the late Republic. As farmers and veterans moved to Rome, and slaves were freed and granted citizenship and the right to vote, the balance was tipped in the favour of the non-elite voter. Each class of the populus Romanus could participate in Roman politics, and certainly members of each did. Having concluded my analysis of the formal avenues of participation, I move onto the informal. Chapter Three is the first of three chapters of case studies focusing on demonstrations and collective action which form the heart of this work. The first set of studies cover secession, mutiny and refusal of the draft. Chapter Four continues with studies of popular pressure to gain reforms to improve the food supply, restore tribunician power, obtain relief from crippling debt and land shortage. The final chapter of analysis, Chapter Five, investigates collective action at contiones, legislative assemblies, trials, ludi et gladiatores, triumphs, funerals, and elections. The findings of these three chapters bring me to the conclusion that Rome was a democracy, if of a particular type. The nature of popular political participation in the late Republic resembled that of an emerging democracy with the non-elite gaining an increasing role in the decision-making process, albeit without constitutional definition. The citizens' right to participate in the formal assemblies was augmented by their ability to take part in less formal ways also. These informal methods ranged from popular involvement in contiones through to the application of pressure on senators through the threat of secession and mutiny. Only the rise of the principate, with formalised roles for the various sectors in society under one leader, brought these developments to an end.</p>

Popular Political Participation in the Late Roman Republic

<p>Roman democracy is in fashion. In particular, the publication of Fergus Millar's The Crowd in the Late Republic (1998) has stimulated debate on the democratic elements in Roman government during this period. In this thesis I examine the nature of popular participation in the late Roman Republic. I focus on the decision-making power of the populus Romanus and popular pressure to effect reform in the favour of citizens outside the senatorial and equestrian orders. My findings are based on analysis of ancient literary and epigraphic sources, along with a critique of modern research on the topic. The first chapter introduces the subject with a survey of current scholarly opinion and discussion of key concepts and terms. Chapter Two investigates how power was shared between senatus populusque Romanus and the distribution of power in the assemblies, concluding that participation was widespread as a result of the changing circumstances in the late Republic. As farmers and veterans moved to Rome, and slaves were freed and granted citizenship and the right to vote, the balance was tipped in the favour of the non-elite voter. Each class of the populus Romanus could participate in Roman politics, and certainly members of each did. Having concluded my analysis of the formal avenues of participation, I move onto the informal. Chapter Three is the first of three chapters of case studies focusing on demonstrations and collective action which form the heart of this work. The first set of studies cover secession, mutiny and refusal of the draft. Chapter Four continues with studies of popular pressure to gain reforms to improve the food supply, restore tribunician power, obtain relief from crippling debt and land shortage. The final chapter of analysis, Chapter Five, investigates collective action at contiones, legislative assemblies, trials, ludi et gladiatores, triumphs, funerals, and elections. The findings of these three chapters bring me to the conclusion that Rome was a democracy, if of a particular type. The nature of popular political participation in the late Republic resembled that of an emerging democracy with the non-elite gaining an increasing role in the decision-making process, albeit without constitutional definition. The citizens' right to participate in the formal assemblies was augmented by their ability to take part in less formal ways also. These informal methods ranged from popular involvement in contiones through to the application of pressure on senators through the threat of secession and mutiny. Only the rise of the principate, with formalised roles for the various sectors in society under one leader, brought these developments to an end.</p>

Multiparty Mediation as Solution for Urban Conflicts: A Case Analysis from Brazil

Social conflicts are becoming more complex every day and, therefore, the development of alternative forms of conflict resolution is necessary in view of the limited role of the Judiciary. With this, mediation gains more space in Brazil and in the world through the 2019 Singapore Convention on Mediation. Mediation is beneficial in the urban context to stimulate the population’s participation and guarantee legitimacy at different levels of power. It enables public and private convergences, better public interest comprehension about the best way of life in cities and enhanced democratic management due to better dialogue and cooperation with the public administration. Mediation focuses on the interventions’ reasons, the role of those involved in the process, welcoming the urban conflict with its peculiarities. It promotes the constitutional principles of democracy, pacification, solidarity, dignity, autonomy of will, speed and popular participation in the administration of Justice. However, in urban conflicts, which involve public administration and a multiplicity of parts, it is often necessary to apply collective or multiparty mediation. Thus, the article’s main objective is to address the effectiveness of multiparty mediation as a solution to urban conflicts through the analysis of 5 (five) concrete cases mediated at the Judicial Dispute Resolution Centers – CEJUSC of the Rio Grande State Court of Justice of the South in Brazil. In the first step, a theoretical-descriptive analysis of multiparty mediation in Brazil and the mediator’s role is carried out. In a second step, we will perform the analysis of practical cases to reach the appropriate conclusions.