Catalonia, Provence and the Holy Land: Late 12th-Century Sculpture in Barcelona

2017 ◽  
pp. 327-336
Author(s):  
Jordi Camps i Sòria
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Joaquim Baeta

As the 12th century entered its midpoint, unease permeated through Christendom. In 1144, the County of Edessa had fallen to Zengi, the atabeg of Mosul and Aleppo, signalling that all was not well in the Holy Land. News of the fall of Edessa quickly travelled westward, with the Catholic Pope, Eugenius III, issuing a papal bull calling for a Second Crusade in December of the next yea r. Nevertheless, for the Edessa’s fellow Crusader states, the restlessness of being surrounded by the Islamic had turned to alarm. Help was gravely needed. Then came word of aid from an unlikely place: the East itself. Rumours had swirled of a Christian monarch in the East, but actual proof of his existence was scant, based mainly on fantastical tales of the Orient. That changed in December of 1145, with a conversation between Bishops Otto of Freising and Hugh of Jabala. Hugh told Otto of a Nestorian Christian priest-king “beyond Persia and Armenia”, who had “warred upon the so-­called Samiards, the brother kings of the Medes and Persians.” More critically, Hugh reported that this priest-king had “moved his army to aid the church of Jerusalem” but was unable to cross the Tigris and returned home. Such was the legend of Prester John, the ruler of an eastern Christian kingdom that offered hope and little else to a Christian West that would steadily lose its grip on the Holy Land. Why did Prester John never come to the aid of the Crusader states? The story o f this priest- king, his supposed interactions with western Christendom and ultimate failure to deliver on his promises, reveals how the environmen t we inhabit and the methods we use to communicate shape our beliefs and values, and that as our environments and communication methods change, so do these beliefs and values.


Author(s):  
Ольга Евгеньевна Этингоф

Аниконическая иконография церковных соборов в виде архитектурных мотивов, которая представлена в мозаиках базилики Рождества Христова в Вифлееме 1169 г., встречается сравнительно редко. Известно несколько ее примеров в византийских и западноевропейских памятниках IXX вв. В рукописях IXXII вв. встречается комбинация архитектурных композиций и антропоморфных изображений участников соборов. Аниконические мотивы в Вифлееме соответствовали не только обращению к древней программе мозаик самой базилики при реставрации XII в. или идеологии и политике крестоносцев, но и традиции нефигуративного искусства византийского мира, существовавшей вплоть до XII в. Иконография городов в топографических напольных мозаиках Иордании получила особое распространение в VIII в., в чем очевидна связь с актуальностью аниконического искусства именно в этот период. Закономерно, если циклы напольных мозаик Святой земли послужили одним из источников монументальных мозаик базилики в Вифлееме. Aniconic iconography of Church Councils in the form of architectural and urban motifs, which is represented in the mosaics of the northern wall of the central nave of the Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem in 1169, is relatively rare. Several examples of such type are known in Byzantine and West European monuments of the 9th 10th centuries. A combination of architectural compositions and anthropomorphic images of church fathers, emperors, participants of Councils could be found in manuscripts of 9th 12th centuries. The aniconic motifs in Bethlehem corresponded not only to the appeal to the early mosaic program of the basilica during the restoration of the 12th century or to the ideology and politics of the crusaders, but also to the tradition of non-figurative art of the Byzantine world, which existed until the 12th century. The Eastern Christian Monophysite tradition and Islamic monuments could also have an influence on the aniconic motifs in the mosaics of the Bethlehem basilica. The iconography of cities in topographic floor mosaics on the territory of Jordan became especially widespread in the 8th century some of the monuments were created during the period of the formation of iconoclasm, as in Umm al-Rasas and Main, which clearly shows the relation with the relevance of anionic art at that time. It is quite natural if such cycles of floor mosaics of the Holy Land served as one of the sources of aniconic monumental mosaics on the northern wall of the central nave in the Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-354
Author(s):  
Syah Budi

This paper will reveal the historical roots and Islamic development in British. The discussion covers various areas of study pertaining to historical situations. The study tends to focus on the search for the historical roots of Islam in the 7th to 15th and 16th-17th centuries, and also the development of Islamic institutions in British contemporer.The historical roots of Islam in Britain have existed since the discovery of several coins with the words 'laa ilaaha illallah' belonging to the King of Central England, Offa of Mercia, who died in 796. The history records that this Anglo Saxon King had trade ties with the peoples Muslim Spain, France and North Africa. In addition, also found in the 9th century the words 'bismillah' by Kufi Arabic on Ballycottin Cross. Indeed, in the eighth century history has noted that trade between Britain and the Muslim nations has been established. In fact, in 817 Muhammad bin Musa al-Khawarizmi wrote the book Shurat al-Ardhi (World Map) which contains a picture of a number of places in England. In the 12th century, when the feud with Pope Innocent III, King John established a relationship with Muslim rulers in North Africa. Later, in the era of Henry II, Adelard of Bath, a private teacher of the King of England who had visited Syria and Muslim Spain, translated a number of books by Arab Muslim writers into Latin. The same is done by Danel of Marley and Michael Scouts who translated Aristotle's works from Arabic. In 1386 Chaucer wrote in his book prologue Canterbury of Tales, a book that says that on the way back to Canterbury from the holy land, Palestine, a number of pilgrims visit physicists and other experts such as al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibnu Rusyd. At that time Ibn Sina's work, al-Qanun fi al-Tibb, had become the standard text for medical students until the seventeenth century.The development of Islam increasingly rapidly era after. In 1636 opened the Arabic language department at the University of Oxford. In addition, it is well known that the English King Charles I had collected Arabic and Persian manuscripts. In the era of Cromwell's post civil war, the Koran for the first time in 1649 was translated in English by Alexander Ross. In the nineteenth century more and more small Muslim communities, both immigrants from Africa and Asia, settled in port cities such as Cardif, South Shield (near New Castle), London and Liverpool. In the next stage, to this day, Islam in Britain has formally developed rapidly through the roles of institutions and priests, and the existence of Islam is also widely acknowledged by the kingdom, government, intellectuals, and the public at large


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-354
Author(s):  
Syah Budi

This paper will reveal the historical roots and Islamic development in British. The discussion covers various areas of study pertaining to historical situations. The study tends to focus on the search for the historical roots of Islam in the 7th to 15th and 16th-17th centuries, and also the development of Islamic institutions in British contemporer.The historical roots of Islam in Britain have existed since the discovery of several coins with the words 'laa ilaaha illallah' belonging to the King of Central England, Offa of Mercia, who died in 796. The history records that this Anglo Saxon King had trade ties with the peoples Muslim Spain, France and North Africa. In addition, also found in the 9th century the words 'bismillah' by Kufi Arabic on Ballycottin Cross. Indeed, in the eighth century history has noted that trade between Britain and the Muslim nations has been established. In fact, in 817 Muhammad bin Musa al-Khawarizmi wrote the book Shurat al-Ardhi (World Map) which contains a picture of a number of places in England. In the 12th century, when the feud with Pope Innocent III, King John established a relationship with Muslim rulers in North Africa. Later, in the era of Henry II, Adelard of Bath, a private teacher of the King of England who had visited Syria and Muslim Spain, translated a number of books by Arab Muslim writers into Latin. The same is done by Danel of Marley and Michael Scouts who translated Aristotle's works from Arabic. In 1386 Chaucer wrote in his book prologue Canterbury of Tales, a book that says that on the way back to Canterbury from the holy land, Palestine, a number of pilgrims visit physicists and other experts such as al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibnu Rusyd. At that time Ibn Sina's work, al-Qanun fi al-Tibb, had become the standard text for medical students until the seventeenth century.The development of Islam increasingly rapidly era after. In 1636 opened the Arabic language department at the University of Oxford. In addition, it is well known that the English King Charles I had collected Arabic and Persian manuscripts. In the era of Cromwell's post civil war, the Koran for the first time in 1649 was translated in English by Alexander Ross. In the nineteenth century more and more small Muslim communities, both immigrants from Africa and Asia, settled in port cities such as Cardif, South Shield (near New Castle), London and Liverpool. In the next stage, to this day, Islam in Britain has formally developed rapidly through the roles of institutions and priests, and the existence of Islam is also widely acknowledged by the kingdom, government, intellectuals, and the public at large.


1981 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 258-259
Author(s):  
Jack A. Adams
Keyword(s):  

PsycCRITIQUES ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 53 (21) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Blanch
Keyword(s):  

1997 ◽  
pp. 40-43
Author(s):  
Natalia Fatyushyna

In the domestic literature, the beginnings of comparative ideas about supernatural belong to the writing of Kievan Rus. The most meaningful such representation is presented by "The Word of St. Gregory, reproduced in the interpretation of how the first pagans, that is, the pagans, worshiped the idols and laid them down, as they now do." The basis of this monument of the Kyivan culture of the 12th century, also known as the "Word of the Idols," was the sermon of the prominent patriarch Gregory the Theologian on the Epiphany, in which he reacted negatively to ancient paganism. But "The Word," as Y. Anichkov noted, is not a preaching, nor a translation of the thoughts of Gregory the Theologian, but an attempt to study Old Believers: it gives an interpretation of the work of the Byzantine theologian "in the interpretation" of the local paganism.


1969 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monsignor David McRoberts
Keyword(s):  

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