scholarly journals The image of a city in the mosaics of the Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ольга Евгеньевна Этингоф
Keyword(s):  
Holy Land ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
Figurative Art ◽  
Floor Mosaics ◽  
Church Councils ◽  
Northern Wall ◽  
West European

Аниконическая иконография церковных соборов в виде архитектурных мотивов, которая представлена в мозаиках базилики Рождества Христова в Вифлееме 1169 г., встречается сравнительно редко. Известно несколько ее примеров в византийских и западноевропейских памятниках IXX вв. В рукописях IXXII вв. встречается комбинация архитектурных композиций и антропоморфных изображений участников соборов. Аниконические мотивы в Вифлееме соответствовали не только обращению к древней программе мозаик самой базилики при реставрации XII в. или идеологии и политике крестоносцев, но и традиции нефигуративного искусства византийского мира, существовавшей вплоть до XII в. Иконография городов в топографических напольных мозаиках Иордании получила особое распространение в VIII в., в чем очевидна связь с актуальностью аниконического искусства именно в этот период. Закономерно, если циклы напольных мозаик Святой земли послужили одним из источников монументальных мозаик базилики в Вифлееме. Aniconic iconography of Church Councils in the form of architectural and urban motifs, which is represented in the mosaics of the northern wall of the central nave of the Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem in 1169, is relatively rare. Several examples of such type are known in Byzantine and West European monuments of the 9th 10th centuries. A combination of architectural compositions and anthropomorphic images of church fathers, emperors, participants of Councils could be found in manuscripts of 9th 12th centuries. The aniconic motifs in Bethlehem corresponded not only to the appeal to the early mosaic program of the basilica during the restoration of the 12th century or to the ideology and politics of the crusaders, but also to the tradition of non-figurative art of the Byzantine world, which existed until the 12th century. The Eastern Christian Monophysite tradition and Islamic monuments could also have an influence on the aniconic motifs in the mosaics of the Bethlehem basilica. The iconography of cities in topographic floor mosaics on the territory of Jordan became especially widespread in the 8th century some of the monuments were created during the period of the formation of iconoclasm, as in Umm al-Rasas and Main, which clearly shows the relation with the relevance of anionic art at that time. It is quite natural if such cycles of floor mosaics of the Holy Land served as one of the sources of aniconic monumental mosaics on the northern wall of the central nave in the Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem.

scholarly journals Finds of West-European coins of the 11th — early 12th century at Novgorod (Rurik’s) Gorodishche

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
P. Gaydukov ◽  
◽  
E. Ushankov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
12Th Century ◽  
Lake Ilmen ◽  
Available Information ◽  
Archaeological Excavations ◽  
West European

This paper is a publication of West-European denarii of the 11th — early 12th century and their imita- tions provenient from the territory of Novgorod Gorodishche (Rurik’s Hillfort). All the known coins are discussed — both those yielded by archaeological excavations (8 items) and single finds by private persons (13 items). The new numismatic materials expand and supplement the available information on the earliest and very important trade-handicraft and military-administrative centre of the Lake Ilmen region.

scholarly journals False Hope and Empty Promises from a Priest-King in the East: How Environment and Communication Shape Belief

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. xvi-xvi
Author(s):  
Joaquim Baeta
Keyword(s):  
Holy Land ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
Beliefs And Values ◽  
Ultimate Failure ◽  
Crusader States ◽  
Communication Methods ◽  
The Church

As the 12th century entered its midpoint, unease permeated through Christendom. In 1144, the County of Edessa had fallen to Zengi, the atabeg of Mosul and Aleppo, signalling that all was not well in the Holy Land. News of the fall of Edessa quickly travelled westward, with the Catholic Pope, Eugenius III, issuing a papal bull calling for a Second Crusade in December of the next yea r. Nevertheless, for the Edessa’s fellow Crusader states, the restlessness of being surrounded by the Islamic had turned to alarm. Help was gravely needed. Then came word of aid from an unlikely place: the East itself. Rumours had swirled of a Christian monarch in the East, but actual proof of his existence was scant, based mainly on fantastical tales of the Orient. That changed in December of 1145, with a conversation between Bishops Otto of Freising and Hugh of Jabala. Hugh told Otto of a Nestorian Christian priest-king “beyond Persia and Armenia”, who had “warred upon the so-­called Samiards, the brother kings of the Medes and Persians.” More critically, Hugh reported that this priest-king had “moved his army to aid the church of Jerusalem” but was unable to cross the Tigris and returned home. Such was the legend of Prester John, the ruler of an eastern Christian kingdom that offered hope and little else to a Christian West that would steadily lose its grip on the Holy Land. Why did Prester John never come to the aid of the Crusader states? The story o f this priest- king, his supposed interactions with western Christendom and ultimate failure to deliver on his promises, reveals how the environmen t we inhabit and the methods we use to communicate shape our beliefs and values, and that as our environments and communication methods change, so do these beliefs and values.

scholarly journals THE PILGRIMAGE OF WEALTHY PIOUS CHRISTIAN WOMEN FROM ROME TO THE HOLY LAND IN THE FOURTH TO SIXTH CENTURIES AD

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-65
Keyword(s):  
Role Models ◽  
Spiritual Needs ◽  
Holy Land ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Christian Women ◽  
Early Christian ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Holy Places ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Church

This study examines the pilgrimage of Christian women ascetics in the early Christian period from the fourth to sixth centuries AD, focusing on wealthy Roman women who were influenced by the Church Fathers, such as Jerome and left their world, freedom, family and social class. They sold their properties in order to come to the Holy Land (the Land of the Bible) to visit the holy places and the desert hermits and to build monasteries, hospitals, hospices, orphanages and accomodations for old people through the Holy Land. The pilgrimage of women ascetics was a characteristic feature of the period. In spite of the difficult journey, these ascetic women came to fulfill their religious and spiritual needs. These women have been remembered throughout the ages for their faith, piety, tenderness, purity and devotion and have served as role models for women after them. This study examines the concept of pilgrimage in Christianity and the pilgrimage of the women ascetics and their religious and social accomplishments in the Holy Land.

The extra Calvinisticum from the Marburg Colloquy to the Consensus Tigurinus

2021 ◽  
pp. 77-139
Author(s):  
K.J. Drake
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
Lord's Supper ◽  
John Calvin ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Reformed Tradition ◽  
Hypostatic Union ◽  
Church Councils ◽  
The Church

This chapter investigates the historical and theological development of the extra Calvinisticum from the Marburg Colloquy (1529) to the Consensus Tigurinus (1549). During this period, the proponents of the emerging Reformed tradition expanded the theological basis for the extra by incorporating additional arguments from Scripture, the church councils, and the church fathers. First, the chapter investigates the debate at the Marburg Colloquy demonstrating that the christological divergence between Zwingli and Luther was rooted not only in theological and hermeneutical method but also in the doctrines of God and anthropology. The chapter analyzes Zwingli’s final works, Fidei Ratio and Fidei Expositio, in which he presents a more robust understanding of the hypostatic union. The final section addresses the Consensus Tigurinus, written by Heinrich Bullinger and John Calvin, which offers the confessionalization of the extra in the Reformed tradition and effectively marks the definitive parting of ways within Protestantism over the Lord’s Supper.

scholarly journals Profit ‘That is Condemned by the Word of God’: John Jewel’s Theological Method in His Opposition to Usury

Perichoresis ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
André A. Gazal
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Theological Method ◽  
Word Of God ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Church Councils ◽  
The Church ◽  
Christian Society

Abstract John Jewel, regarded as the principal apologist and theologian for the Elizabethan Church, was also esteemed as one of England’s most important (if not the most important) authority on the subject of usury, and therefore was cited frequently by opponents of usury towards the end of the sixteenth century and throughout the seventeenth century. One of the most sustained interpretations of Jewel as a theologian on the subject of usury was by Christoph Jelinger, who observed that the late bishop of Sarum employed the same theological method in opposing usury as he did in defending the doctrines and practices of the Church of England against its Catholic opponents, that is, by appealing to the Scriptures, the Church Fathers, Church Councils, and the example of the primitive church. This article seeks to confirm the opinion of Jelinger, and in doing so show that Jewel’s opposition to usury stemmed primarily from the conviction that it was both a vice and heresy that eroded the unifying attribute of Christian society which was love.

Le armi dell'anticoncilio. Metamorfosi del falso dalla pergamena a internet

2012 ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Luciano Bossina
Keyword(s):  
Decisive Role ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
History Of ◽  
Church Councils ◽  
The Church

In the history of the Church councils the authority of the so-called Church Fathers plays always a decisive role. Their works are quoted as a distinctive criterion to define the dogma. But what if these quotations would be forged? Providing examples from the byzantine Iconoclasm of 8th Century until the lefebvrian movement of 20th, this paper focuses on textual forgeries as unchanging weapons of counciliar debates. A long history from parchment to internet, who reveals that the forger does not change his aims, but updates his means.

Leander, Isidore, and Gregory

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-522
Author(s):  
Don Michael Randel
Keyword(s):  
Oral Tradition ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Gregory The Great ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Isidore Of Seville ◽  
Liturgical Chant ◽  
Church Councils ◽  
The Church

St. Isidore of Seville (d. 636) and Pope Gregory the Great (d. 604) had an intellectual exchange facilitated in part by Isidore’s brother Leander (d. ca. 600), who preceded Isidore as bishop of Seville, had met Gregory in Constantinople, and to whom Gregory dedicated his Moralia in Job. Isidore’s writings and contemporaneous records of Spanish church councils make clear that the Old Hispanic Rite was already largely, though not entirely, formed in his day, much as we find it in the earliest surviving liturgical documents: the Oracional Visigótico (ca. 711) and the Antiphoner of León (ca. 900). This is a rite deriving from a great exegetical project in which liturgical chant formed only a part. Its starting points were the various translations of the Bible and the writings of the church fathers, especially Gregory and Augustine. From this an elaborate and systematic repertory of chant was formed in coordination with prayers, readings, and sermons. All of this speaks to deliberate composition by Isidore, Leander, and their colleagues rather than to the writing down of a long-standing oral tradition. Gregory surely knew about this activity in Spain. Is it likely that Gregory and his colleagues were not engaged in any such activity or that such activity in Rome took place so much later than it did in Spain? Perhaps there is a good reason why the chant created in Rome is called Gregorian just as the Old Hispanic Chant was much later called Isidorean. In the absence of Roman sources we may never know. But the Old Hispanic sources suggest that we ought to wonder.

scholarly journals Akar Historis dan Perkembangan Islam di Inggris

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-354
Author(s):  
Syah Budi
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Holy Land ◽  
Charles I ◽  
University Of Oxford ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
King Charles I ◽  
Standard Text ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Muslim Spain

This paper will reveal the historical roots and Islamic development in British. The discussion covers various areas of study pertaining to historical situations. The study tends to focus on the search for the historical roots of Islam in the 7th to 15th and 16th-17th centuries, and also the development of Islamic institutions in British contemporer.The historical roots of Islam in Britain have existed since the discovery of several coins with the words 'laa ilaaha illallah' belonging to the King of Central England, Offa of Mercia, who died in 796. The history records that this Anglo Saxon King had trade ties with the peoples Muslim Spain, France and North Africa. In addition, also found in the 9th century the words 'bismillah' by Kufi Arabic on Ballycottin Cross. Indeed, in the eighth century history has noted that trade between Britain and the Muslim nations has been established. In fact, in 817 Muhammad bin Musa al-Khawarizmi wrote the book Shurat al-Ardhi (World Map) which contains a picture of a number of places in England. In the 12th century, when the feud with Pope Innocent III, King John established a relationship with Muslim rulers in North Africa. Later, in the era of Henry II, Adelard of Bath, a private teacher of the King of England who had visited Syria and Muslim Spain, translated a number of books by Arab Muslim writers into Latin. The same is done by Danel of Marley and Michael Scouts who translated Aristotle's works from Arabic. In 1386 Chaucer wrote in his book prologue Canterbury of Tales, a book that says that on the way back to Canterbury from the holy land, Palestine, a number of pilgrims visit physicists and other experts such as al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibnu Rusyd. At that time Ibn Sina's work, al-Qanun fi al-Tibb, had become the standard text for medical students until the seventeenth century.The development of Islam increasingly rapidly era after. In 1636 opened the Arabic language department at the University of Oxford. In addition, it is well known that the English King Charles I had collected Arabic and Persian manuscripts. In the era of Cromwell's post civil war, the Koran for the first time in 1649 was translated in English by Alexander Ross. In the nineteenth century more and more small Muslim communities, both immigrants from Africa and Asia, settled in port cities such as Cardif, South Shield (near New Castle), London and Liverpool. In the next stage, to this day, Islam in Britain has formally developed rapidly through the roles of institutions and priests, and the existence of Islam is also widely acknowledged by the kingdom, government, intellectuals, and the public at large

Socrates the judge: a not-so-platonizing dialogue on the deposition of patriarch Nicholas IV Mouzalon

2020 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-248
Author(s):  
Varvara Zharkaya ◽  
Lev Lukhovitskiy
Keyword(s):  
Close Reading ◽  
Primary Concern ◽  
Official Record ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
Church Councils

Abstract The article brings under scrutiny an understudied dialogical account about the deposition of the patriarch of Constantinople Nicholas IV Mouzalon (1147-51). A close reading shows that this is not an official record of the proceedings but a piece of fiction that deliberately inverts the generic conventions of the two types of texts indicative of the 12th-century literary landscape, namely 1) minutes of church councils and 2) syllogistic theological dialogues. The anonymous author invites the reader to recognize the all-familiar scheme of the Socratic interrogation but eventually departs from it investing the protagonists (Manuel I Komnenos and Mouzalon) with features that distance them from their Platonic models. The text seems to be inextricably linked to Mouzalon’s canonical dilemma: can an archbishop who previously voluntarily fled from his office be appointed archbishop once again? In fact, the author’s primary concern is not the patriarch but the emperor, a judge-logician who is at one and the same time Socrates and more than Socrates, and the new language able to reflect the changing balance between the imperial and ecclesiastical powers in mid- 12th-century Byzantium.

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