scholarly journals ANTONIO DE ULLOA, DISCOVERER OF PLATINUM

Author(s):  
Lavinel G. Ionescu

Don Antonio de Ulloa, a member of a distinguished Spanish family, was born in 1716 and died in 1795. He studied physics and mathematics and was a member of many scientific societies, including the Academy of Sciences of Paris and the Royal Society of London. He traveled widely in Europe and the Americas and occupied many important positions, including those of Frigate Captain, Commander of the Royal Squadron of the Spanish Armada, Goverment of Huancavelica -Peru, Louisiana, and Florida. In l735, while a member of a scientific expedition sent by the Spanish and French governments to South America to measure a degree of meridian in Quito, close to the equator, he discovered platinum in the mines of Lavadero or wash gold in the district of Choco.

1828 ◽  
Vol 118 ◽  
pp. 153-239 ◽  

In the year 1790, a series of trigonometrical operations was carried on by General Roy, in co-operation with Messrs. De Cassini, Mechain, and Legendre, for the purpose of connecting the meridians of Paris and Greenwich. In England, the work commenced with a base measured on Hounslow Heath, whence triangles were carried through Hanger Hill Tower and Severndroog Castle on Shooter’s Hill, to Fairlight Down, Folkstone Turnpike, and Dover Castle on the English coast; which last stations were connected with the church of Notre Dame at Calais, and with Blancnez and Montlambert upon the coast of France. An account of these operations will be found in the Philosophical Transactions for 1790. In the year 1821, the Royal Academy of Sciences and the Board of Longitude at Paris communicated to the Royal Society of London their desire, that the operations for connecting the meridians of Paris and Greenwich should be repeated jointly by both countries, and that commissioners should be nominated by the Royal Academy of Sciences and by the Royal Society of London for that purpose. This proposal having been readily acceded to, Messrs. Arago and Matthieu were chosen on the part of the Royal Academy of Sciences, and Lieut.-Colonel (then Captain) Colby and myself were appointed by the Royal Society to co-operate with them.


Sir, Though the Royal Society heard with the greatest concern the resolution taken by their late worthy President, to decline being any longer chosen into that office


1779 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 130-138

Mr. Jeaurat, of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Paris, having discovered a construction of the Iconantidiptic Telescope, thought proper to communicate to the Royal Society of London a short description of this new invention.


The first section of this paper contains a narrative of the proceedings of the Commission appointed for executing the object announced in the title. The first trigonometrical operations for connecting the meridians of Paris and Greenwich were carried on by General Roy, in cooperation with Messrs, de Cassini, Mechain, and Legendre, in the year 1790, an account of which was published in the Philosophical Transactions of that year. In 1821, the Royal Academy of Sciences, and Board of Longitude at Paris, communicated to the Royal Society of London their desire that these operations should be repeated, and the following Commissioners were nominated by these scientific bodies for that purpose; namely, Messrs. Arago and Mathieu, on the part of the Academy of Sciences; and Lieutenant-Colonel Colby and Captain Kater, on the part of the Royal Society.


Author(s):  
Sloan Evans Despeaux

The Royal Society was one of the first British scientific societies to establish a peer review process for papers submitted to its journals. Initially, its peer review procedures were at best informal, but by the 1830s they became a formal, required gateway for all Royal Society submissions. This paper focuses on referee reports of mathematical papers submitted to the Society from 1832 to 1900, years covered in the first 15 volumes of referee reports archived at the Royal Society Library. Besides judging the content of papers, mathematical referees during this period discussed issues of professionalization and politics in their reports.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIULIANO MORI

AbstractThis article engages the much-debated role of mathematics in Bacon's philosophy and inductive method at large. The many references to mathematics in Bacon's works are considered in the context of the humanist reform of the curriculum studiorum and, in particular, through a comparison with the kinds of natural and intellectual subtlety as they are defined by many sixteenth-century authors, including Cardano, Scaliger and Montaigne. Additionally, this article gives a nuanced background to the ‘subtlety’ commonly thought to have been eschewed by Bacon and by Bacon's self-proclaimed followers in the Royal Society of London. The aim of this article is ultimately to demonstrate that Bacon did not reject the use of mathematics in natural philosophy altogether. Instead, he hoped that following the Great Instauration a kind of non-abstract mathematics could be founded: a kind of mathematics which was to serve natural philosophy by enabling men to grasp the intrinsic subtlety of nature. Rather than mathematizing nature, it was mathematics that needed to be ‘naturalized’.


The 275th Anniversary Dinner of the Society was held at the May Fair Hotel on 30 November 1937. The health of the Society was to have been proposed by the Lord President of the Council, Viscount Halifax, but a bereavement in his family prevented him from attending, and his place was taken at short notice by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir John Simon. The President of the Amsterdam Academy of Sciences, Professor J. Van der Hoeve, who had accepted an invitation to be the Society’s foreign guest of honour, was unfortunately prevented by illness from coming to England. Rising to propose the toast—'The Royal Society of London'— Sir John Simon said : ‘You will share with me the deep feeling of regret that Lord Halifax, who was to have come here to-night in order to propose the toast of the Royal Society, is kept away by a bereavement in his family. But uno avolso non deficit alter —which may be freely translated "As the Lord President of the Council cannot come, Simon must do his best." It is thus that the solidarity of the National Government is demonstrated.


Many institutions have found it advantageous to invest a proportion of their capital in land and buildings, but not many scientific societies follow this practice, some finding trust funds more convenient, others considering that the supervision which landed property requires outweighs its other advantages. The Royal Society, however, has from time to time acquired by purchase or accepted by gift or bequest such property, and on the whole it has gained by doing so. Both the First and Second Charters authorize ‘the President, Council and Fellows of the Royal Society of London to have, acquire, receive and possess lands, tenements, meadows, feedings, pastures, liberties, privileges, franchises, jurisdictions and hereditaments whatsoever to them and their successors in fee and perpetuity . . . (the Statute concerning alienation in mortmain notwithstanding) and also to give, grant and assign the same lands. . . .' Now under the Charitable Trusts Acts of 1853 and 1855 such endowments cannot be held by the Society. This matter has come before the Courts more than once; in 1874 the Master of the Rolls decided that gifts to the Royal Society, so far as they are pure personalty, are good charitable gifts, but otherwise void.


1960 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 169-181

In his great ‘History of applied entomology’, published in 1930, Dr L. O. Howard, for many years the most distinguished leader in this field, remarks on the apparent inability of academic men to realize the scientific interest of entomological studies having any practical significance. This attitude, he suggests, is indicated clearly enough by the failure of the great scientific academies in various countries to elect economic entomologists, as such, to their fellowships. He points out that although Antonio Berlese and Filippa Silvestri in Italy were early elected to the Academy of the Lincei and Paul Marchal in France to the Academy of Sciences, this was due to their achievements in pure entomology, that is, as a branch of zoology. Dr Howard himself was not elected to the American National Academy until his 59th year. ‘I have a suspicion’, he adds, ‘that, if it had been thoroughly understood by the members of the academy that he’ (the writer) ‘was so pronouncedly utilitarian in his work and his views, he might have failed.’ This attitude has not greatly changed. It may even be said, that from the standpoint of the entomologist, it has changed rather for the worse. There was a time when the great Academies looked with interest on the work of the entomological taxonomists on which the whole structure of entomological science is erected. They are still interested in investigators who use insects as material in genetics, physiology or biochemistry; but they are, in general, little interested in the entomologist who devotes himself to insects as insects. Perhaps this attitude has not notably impeded the advance of entomology; but it does tend to separate the Academies in a rather regrettable way from one of the main currents of biological work in which their influence would be beneficial and from which they themselves might draw some useful lessons. It is therefore a pleasure to record that the Royal Society of London, by its election of Guy Marshall as a Fellow, in 1923, recognized the important part he had already played in the development of applied entomology in the Commonwealth and thus provided him, during the many years of active work that were to follow, with the strong backing the Fellowship of the Society carries. I suspect that the arguments for Marshall’s election were drawn from his research in pure entomology and had to do chiefly with his experiments in relation to the theory of mimicry; but I do not wish to stress this point, preferring for once to say, that the end justified the means.


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