The changing occupational structure: Social polarization or professionalization?

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 195-196
Author(s):  
Dr. P.B. Kadam Dr. P.B. Kadam ◽  
◽  
Dr.S.B. Rathod Dr.S.B. Rathod

1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. N. Rutkevich
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 308-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime F. Cárdenas-García ◽  
Bruno Soria De Mesa ◽  
Diego Romero Castro

Abstract The development of globalized digital labor brings to mind a labor process that seems to have changed dramatically from that of the industrial age. The toil of low-wage manual labor inside extensive buildings with smokestacks prevalent in the industrial age seems to have evolved into well-paid, enjoyable, meaningful labor in elegant buildings in tune with spacious vegetation-filled campuses. At the same time, social polarization is increasing with the threat of minimum-wage service labor and labor-replacing robots seeming to be the order of the day. The bottom line that drives this process seems to be the same as always, i.e. what benefits the capitalist owner is what is good for the digital workplace. This article seeks to identify and demystify the fundamental elements of digital labor in the globalized information age.


1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. M. Chilver ◽  
P. M. Kaberry

In 1964 the Bamenda Grassfields, then composed of the three West Cameroon prefectures of Bamenda, Wum and Nkambe, had a population of almost 575,000, which was densest in the Bamenda prefecture, adjoining the populous Bamileke prefectures. By 1967 these three prefectures had been increased to five–Bamenda, Gwofon, Nso, Wum and Nkambe– by division of the former Bamenda prefecture into three (Bamenda, Gwofon and Nso) and the addition to Gwofon of the Widekum-Menka area formerly administered as part of Mamfe Division. The distribution and age and occupational structure of the population are discussed in The Population of West Cameroon: Main Findings of the 1964 Sample Demographic Survey (Ministry of Economic Affairs and Planning, 1966). A census was carried out by the British administering authorities in 1953, based on socalled ‘clan areas’—a misnomer. The general picture given in administrative reports and reproduced in the 1953 census ethnic categories was of the broad division of the region into Tikar, Chamba (Bali), Tiv (Munshi) and Widekum, with small refugee enclaves on the northern borders. The significance and doubtful validity of these categories will be discussed in our forthcoming contribution to the Histoire des peuples et civilisations du Cameroun (ed. Claude Tardits), and are dealt with in some detail in E. M. Chilver and P. M. Kaberry, Notes on the Precolonial History and Ethnography of the Bamenda Grassfields (cyclostyled, 1966, for the Ministry of Education, West Cameroon).


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-209
Author(s):  
Leanne C. Serbulo

Abstract With the rise of right-wing populist ideologies and ensuing social polarization, political violence has become more widespread. Between 2017 and 2019, far-right extremists and anti-fascists engaged in more than twenty violent protest clashes in Portland, Oregon, USA. Through a protest event analysis of those clashes supplemented with a case study of the protest wave, this paper explores how the mechanisms of radicalization and de-radicalization operate when two violent protest movements collide and interact with state security forces. The three-way interaction among a movement, counter-movement, and the police can produce unanticipated outcomes. For example, rather than de-escalating the situation, police underbidding resulted in an increase in violence between the two movements. Understanding how the mechanisms of radicalization and de-radicalization function in a movement/counter-movement protest cycle can provide insight into the ways in which a movement’s strategy and their adversaries’ responses to it can increase or decrease levels of violence.


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